A-Infos (en) Italy, UCADI #211 - Ukraine: Our Reasons (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Correspondence with some of our readers has raised concerns about our 
positions on the war in Ukraine, to the point that some of them consider 
our positions to be Russian-language. We mistakenly thought we had been 
clear in our articles on the war, but evidently, that's not the case. So 
it's time to clarify our position once again . ---- After what emerged 
about the events in Maidan Square, about the CIA's efforts to provoke 
the events that led to the nationalist coup in Ukraine, about the 
establishment of 12 secret CIA bases in the country, and about the 
precedents of the so-called "special operation," it's clear that the 
rhetoric of Ukraine being attacked no longer convinces anyone, and that, 
in any case, the aggression is not enough to justify defending the 
attacked country. Proof of this is the fact that no one has proposed 
coming to Iran's aid.
It should also be remembered that the war in Ukraine, which began in 
2014, is also a civil war between a segment of the country's 
Russian-speaking population and another, nationalist, xenophobic, and 
Nazi-oriented one. It is a proxy war, waged and desired by the Western 
mainstream, using Ukrainians as cannon fodder to pursue Kissinger's and 
Brezinsky's political objective of dissolving the Russian state and 
feasting on its ruins. Our stance could only be to observe and comment 
on what was happening, looking at events from the perspective of the 
interests of the Italian proletariat.
While we have no sympathy for the political regime currently governing 
Russia, share none of Vladimir Putin's distinctive social vision, and 
have no political sympathy for his government, and are clear that 
Russia's interests are imperial, aimed at providing a common home for 
all Russian-speaking and Russian-cultured peoples, we could only 
approach what was happening from the perspective of defending the 
interests of the proletariat, and therefore from a class perspective.
Given that the war would be economically supported by the states of 
Europe and that the interruption of economic relations with Russia would 
damage the European economy, benefiting the United States and other 
international competitors of the European economies, causing a decline 
in the well-being of the peoples of Europe and risking driving the 
European proletariat to war, we could not help but oppose support for 
the policies of the Ukrainian state and rely on a total and radical 
defeat of Ukraine to prevent the resources of European countries from 
being channeled into the war effort, to the detriment of welfare and the 
functioning of European economies.
Ours is an internationalist and class-based position, anti-war, 
anti-imperialist, and anti-colonial, given Great Britain's ambitions for 
Russian territory and the anti-Russian revanchism of the Baltic states, 
which seek revenge against the Russians, their historic enemies, and use 
other European countries as foolish servants to their agenda.
Approaching the problem from the perspective and with the tools of 
historical materialism, we knew well that eastern Ukraine, corresponding 
to the territories now known as Novorossiya, was the cradle of one of 
the most advanced segments of the Russian proletariat, a point of 
emigration to the Americas, via the port of Odessa, a territory that 
hosted many of the Russians expelled from the United States following 
the major repression of the trade union movement in the United States in 
2017. We knew that in those territories the Makhnovist groups were born, 
which had the merit of opposing the liberal nationalist Petliura 
governments and thwarted the counterrevolutionary attempts of Wrangel, 
Denikin, and Yudenich, which originated precisely from those territories 
financed. And not coincidentally, by the British. We therefore 
recognized the genuine class status of the populations of Donbass and 
neighboring territories, dedicated to the activities of miners, workers, 
and small farmers, and therefore our solidarity could only be with this 
part of the country.
Historically, we were fully aware that present-day Ukraine, in its 
territorial configuration as a state, included Crimea, whose 
administration had been conferred to the country thanks to the fact that 
many of the former Soviet Communist Party leaders were of Ukrainian 
origin, such as Khrushchev, who ordered the administrative transfer, 
entrusting Crimea to Ukraine in 1956; that the territories of Volhynia, 
Transcarpathia, and the Trier Oblast had been a "kind gift" from Stalin 
to the Ukrainian state, and that the central core of the country was 
assuming a colonial position vis-à-vis the other territories. Hence, no 
support for the "integrity" of Ukraine and the expectation that sooner 
or later these populations would return to their countries of origin. 
The nationalist construction of Ukraine, carried out on an ethnic basis, 
claiming Finnish descent from Northern European merchants and the 
genuinely Ukrainian populations who traveled the country's great rivers 
and who gave rise to the first urban agglomerations, appears to us as an 
artificial, xenophobic, nationalist, and racial construct that aims to 
impose the use of the language on the rest of the population and seeks 
to create a sugar-coated narrative of history in order to build a nation 
around Kiev.
We also noted that modern Ukraine has introduced a set of laws that 
discriminate against religious freedom, repress linguistic and minority 
rights, deny fundamental rights, and have established censorship of 
opposition parties. This has vested power in a class of oligarchs in no 
way dissimilar from the Russian class, indeed deeply connected to it in 
terms of governance practices, exercise of power, and interests, 
creating a country with one of the highest rates of corruption in the 
world. This set of laws is entirely contrary to the Community's 
aequities, making Ukraine incompatible with other European countries and 
jeopardizing its accession to the Union.
Our hopes for a complete military defeat for Ukraine-the sooner the 
better for the interests of the proletariat of other European 
countries-and for a defeat on the battlefield that would save many 
Ukrainians, with the end of hostilities, are further confirmed by the 
progress of the war on the front and in its rear. One by one, the 
fortified cities of Eastern Ukraine inevitably fall to the advancing 
Russian troops, causing the destruction of industrial, logistical, and 
economic facilities due to the bombings. Meanwhile, the lands are 
polluted, the population decimated not only by the war but also by the 
exodus to the West, fueling an already existing diaspora and, 
paradoxically, by an exodus of as many as 8 million Ukrainians who have 
sought refuge in Russia, an enemy country.
Let us believe there is enough evidence to consider pro-Ukrainian 
propaganda a diseased product of a diseased West that has not lost its 
habit of imperialism and colonialism.

The Editorial Staff

https://www.ucadi.org/2026/09/06/ucraina-le-nostre-ragioni/
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