A-Infos (en) France, PCL #39 - The Archinov Platform - Organizational Section (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The Platform for the Organization of Libertarian Communists is a 
foundational text of libertarian communism. Our activist network has 
decided to publish this century-old text in four parts, with commentary. 
The organizational section has been the most controversial, with its 
opponents accusing it of Bolshevizing anarchism . Yet, in our view, this 
is the part of the Platform that remains the most relevant.

The principles of anarchist organization
The general and constructive positions set out above constitute the 
organizational platform of the revolutionary forces of anarchism.

This platform, containing a determined theoretical and tactical 
orientation, appears as the minimum that all militants of the organized 
anarchist movement urgently need to rally to.

Its task is to unite all the healthy elements of the anarchist movement 
into a single, active, and permanently functioning general organization: 
the General Union of Anarchists. The efforts of all active anarchist 
militants must be directed toward the creation of this organization.

The fundamental organizational principles of a General Union of 
Anarchists should be as follows:

1) The theoretical unit
Comment: This extremely brief paragraph is fundamental for us. How can 
we campaign together in the same organization without agreeing on its goals?

Theory represents the force that directs the activity of individuals and 
organizations along a defined path and toward a specific goal. 
Naturally, it must be common to all individuals and organizations 
adhering to the General Union. All the activities of the General 
Anarchist Union, both general and specific, must be in perfect and 
constant accordance with the theoretical principles professed by the Union.

2) The tactical unit or collective method of action
Comment: Here again, we have a very short text. Yet these 89 words have 
triggered the majority of the controversies surrounding the Platform. Or 
rather, it is two words, "Tactical Unity," that have triggered these 
controversies. They have often been interpreted, undoubtedly without 
having read the text, as an attempt to regiment anarchism. We can only 
regret the insufficiently clear writing, produced by exiled activists 
for whom French is not their native language. This context compels us to 
conduct a "  textual analysis  " to highlight what tactical unity meant 
in the thinking of its authors.

The wording of the first sentence begins by citing a pluralism of " 
tactical methods employed  ." This demonstrates that tactical unity does 
not mean tactical uniformity, but rather a convergence of different 
tactics based on the same political theory.

Then, two points are fundamental to understanding the intentions of the 
authors. The challenge is to rid the organization "  of the harmful 
effect of several mutually neutralizing tactics  ," in order to 
"make[the organization]take a common direction leading to a determined 
objective  ."

To achieve this, the "  common tactical line in the movement  ," which 
should not be confused with a single tactic, is composed of the various 
"tactical methods employed , " which "must be in strict agreement both 
with each other and with the general theory and tactics of the Union  ." 
Theory, strategy, and tactics-everything must be coherent! Within such a 
framework, all adaptations to the local context are not only legitimate 
but necessary, provided they remain consistent with the organization's 
theory .

How else can we understand the intentions of the authors of the 
Platform, given their activist backgrounds within the Russian 
Revolution? Thus, today's debate between "  Strategic Unity or Tactical 
Unity  " seems to us to be of the same nature as the one that took place 
in the Middle Ages concerning the sex of angels.

The tactical methods employed by the separate members or groups of the 
Union must also be unified, that is to say, be in strict agreement both 
with each other and with the general theory and tactics of the Union.

A common tactical line in the movement has decisive importance for the 
existence of the organization and the entire movement: it frees it from 
the harmful effect of several mutually neutralizing tactics, it 
concentrates all the forces of the movement, making them take a common 
direction leading to a determined objective.

3) Collective responsibility
Comment: Once again we have a short text that positions itself in 
opposition to Malatesta's theses. He defended the idea of an 
organization based on the autonomy and individual responsibility of its 
members, particularly in the application of its program, meaning that 
ultimately everyone does what they want.

Conversely, the platform affirms the necessity of collective 
responsibility. This means that joining a revolutionary organization is 
not like joining an association where you only take what interests you. 
It is an act of commitment to the social struggle.

It means participating regularly in democratic debates within the 
organization; it means taking seriously the tasks assigned; and it also 
means participating assiduously in actions decided democratically. This 
concept is obviously inseparable from tactical unity. Without it, there 
can be no revolutionary struggle. Without it, anarchists will forever 
remain the dupes of history.

The practice of acting under one's personal responsibility must be 
firmly condemned and rejected within the ranks of the anarchist movement.

The domains of revolutionary, social, and political life are, above all, 
profoundly collective in nature. Revolutionary social activity in these 
domains cannot be based on the personal responsibility of isolated 
activists.

The executive body of the general anarchist movement - the Anarchist 
Union - standing decisively against the tactic of irresponsible 
individualism, introduces into its ranks the principle of collective 
responsibility: the entire Union will be responsible for the 
revolutionary and political activity of each member; likewise, each 
member will be responsible for the revolutionary and political activity 
of the entire Union.

4) Federalism
Comment: The only part of the text truly developed, federalism thus 
appears as the primary foundation of the anarchist organization and 
differs fundamentally from the democratic centralism of the Trotskyists, 
among whom the animation of the organization belongs to the center, 
while the anarchists constantly put in place safeguards to prevent the 
establishment of an authoritarian management of the organization.

But let's be clear: whatever organizational structure is chosen, the 
democratic reality of an organization depends first and foremost on the 
determination of its members to maintain this internal democracy. And it 
is at this level that the greatest difficulties generally lie in 
implementing a truly revolutionary policy.

Anarchism has always rejected centralized organization, both in the 
social life of the masses and in their political action. The system of 
centralization rests on the erosion of critical thinking, initiative, 
and the independence of each individual, and on the blind submission of 
vast masses to the "  center  ." The inevitable natural consequences of 
this system are the enslavement and mechanization of social life and the 
life of political parties.

In contrast to centralism, anarchism has always professed and defended 
the principle of federalism, which reconciles the independence and 
initiative of the individual or organization with the service of the 
common cause.

By reconciling the idea of independence and the fullness of each 
individual's rights with the service of social necessities and needs, 
federalism, by that very fact, opens the doors to every healthy 
manifestation of each individual's faculties.

But quite often the federalist principle was distorted in anarchist 
ranks: it was too often understood as the right to manifest one's "  ego 
 " above all, without the obligation to take into account the duties 
towards the organization.

This misinterpretation has disrupted our movement in the past. It is 
time to put a strong and irreversible end to it.

Federalism means the free agreement of individuals and organizations for 
collective work oriented towards a common goal.

However, such an agreement and the federative union based on it only 
become realities, instead of fictions and illusions, on the sine qua non 
condition that all participants in the agreement and the Union fulfill 
the accepted duties in the most complete way and comply with the 
decisions taken jointly.

In any social endeavor, however vast the federalist foundation upon 
which it is built, there can be no rights without obligations, just as 
there can be no decisions without their execution. This is all the more 
unacceptable in an anarchist organization, which assumes exclusively 
obligations towards the workers and their social revolution.

Therefore, the federalist type of anarchist organization, while 
recognizing each member's right to independence, free opinion, 
initiative, and individual liberty, charges each member with specific 
organizational duties, requiring their rigorous execution, as well as 
the execution of decisions taken jointly.

Only under this condition will the federalist principle be alive, and 
the anarchist organization function correctly, and move towards the 
defined objective.

The idea of the General Union of Anarchists raises the problem of 
coordinating and agreeing on the activities of all forces within the 
anarchist movement.

Each organization affiliated with the Union represents a vital cell 
within the common body. Each cell will have its own secretariat, which 
will carry out and theoretically guide its own political and technical work.

To coordinate the activities of all organizations affiliated with the 
Union, a special body will be created: the Union Executive Committee. 
The following functions will be assigned to this committee: 
implementation of decisions made by the Union and entrusted to it by the 
Union; theoretical and organizational guidance of the activities of 
independent organizations, in accordance with the Union's theoretical 
views and general tactical approach; reporting on the overall state of 
the movement; and maintenance of working and organizational links 
between all organizations within the Union, and with other organizations.

The rights and obligations and practical tasks of the Executive 
Committee are determined by the Congress of the Union.

The General Union of Anarchists has a determined and concrete goal. In 
the name of the success of the social revolution, it must first and 
foremost be based on and absorb the most revolutionary and radical 
elements among the workers and peasants.

Embracing social revolution and, moreover, being an anti-authoritarian 
organization that aspires to the immediate abolition of class society, 
the General Union of Anarchists relies equally on the two fundamental 
classes of present-day society: the workers and the peasants. It will 
serve the emancipation of both classes equally.

With regard to the professional, workers' and revolutionary 
organizations of the cities, the General Union of Anarchists must 
intensify all its efforts in order to become their pioneer and 
theoretical guide.

It sets itself the same tasks with regard to the exploited peasant 
masses. As points of support playing the role of revolutionary 
professional workers' unions, the Union will strive to create a network 
of revolutionary peasant economic organizations, and moreover, a 
specific peasant union founded on anti-authoritarian principles.

Coming from the heart of the working masses, the General Union of 
Anarchists must take part in all manifestations of their life, bringing 
everywhere and always the spirit of organization, perseverance, activity 
and offensiveness.

Only in this case will it be able to fulfill its task, its theoretical 
and historical mission in the social revolution of the workers, and 
become the organized initiative of their emancipatory process.

General conclusion: The Platform is 100 years old this year. It is a 
dated text. However, it laid down principles that remain entirely 
relevant today.

We wanted to pay tribute to its editors, including the Ukrainian Nestor 
Makhno and the Russians Piotr Archinov and Ida Mett, first and foremost 
for their commitment and achievements within the "  Russian  " 
revolution. Their actions gave them the understanding of political 
issues that we find reflected in the Platform today.

Paying tribute to these militant lives, carried out at the peril of 
their own existence, means today continuing their struggle in forms 
adapted to the contemporary world, but without forgetting any of the 
lessons they learned from the failure of the anarchist movement in 
Russia and Ukraine, as in most countries.

PclWebLetter]Lettre N° 39 du Réseau "Les ami.es de la Plateforme 
Communiste Libertaire"

https://plateformecl.org/la-plateforme-darchinov-partie-organisationnelle/
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