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(en) Italy, UCADI, #210 - War on secularism and separatism in the United States (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 26 Aug 2026 08:06:19 +0300


At the beginning of his second presidential term in 2025, Trump, while attending the National Prayer Breakfast, established a White House Faith Office, appointing the histrionic Pastor Paula Wite to head it, and issued an executive order establishing a Commission on Religious Freedom, instructing then-Attorney General Pam Bondi to create a task force to investigate and eradicate anti-Christian prejudice . The Commission was to address all threats to Christianity within the government, but also in government agencies such as the FBI, IRS, and Department of Justice, as well as in society, working closely with the Domestic Policy Council , which includes key administration officials and members of the presidential cabinet. On June 26, 2026, the Commission published its first 224-page report.[https://www.justice.gov/religious-liberty-commission/media/1449896/dl?inline]. The commission consisted of 13 members, including ex officio government officials , religious leaders, and legal experts.
Commission Chair Dan Patrick - Lieutenant Governor of Texas, Dr. Ben Carson (Vice Chair) - Former U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, Kelly Shackelford - President and CEO of First Liberty Institute, Rabbi Meir Soloveichik - Rabbi of Congregation Shearith Israel, Paula White - Senior Advisor to the White House Faith Office, Bishop Thomas Paprocki - Bishop of Springfield, Illinois, Cardinal Timothy Dolan - Archbishop of New York, Rev. Franklin Graham - Evangelist and Missionary, Dr. Phil McGraw - Psychologist and Television Personality, Bishop Robert Barron - Bishop and Founder of Word on Fire, Ryan Anderson - President of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Carrie Prejean Boller - Member Commissioner.
The Commission's report is divided into a first chapter dedicated to the importance of religion in supporting the state, society, and what are defined as civic virtues, which coincide with humanitarian law; the protection of the family in raising children; oversight of the cultural content of teaching in public schools; public funding of private and homeschooling; respect for choices in health and ethical matters (abortion and end-of-life practices); the social bonds of divorce; and the pursuit of happiness.
The second and third chapters of the Report revisit and reinterpret the Supreme Court's jurisprudence on these matters, offering a biased and partisan reading aimed at attacking the secular and separatist jurisprudence that has systematically penalized and penalized broader demands for religious freedom, undermined by excessive secularism, opposed to families' absolute power to educate minors, and, above all, victimized by woke culture, accused of seeking to eliminate social inequalities, racism, sexism, and the protection of minority rights. Active measures to combat historical and racial discrimination by promoting a critical review of history and culture from a progressive perspective are particularly opposed.
The Commission suggests a return to tradition, supporting religious pluralism, promoting the return of religion to education, especially in public schools, increasing funding for private schools and homeschooling, combating abortion and end-of-life treatments, and generally combating gender culture by actively combating gender change and opposing woke culture more generally.
The subsequent chapters examine issues related to the exercise of religious freedom and the presence of a religious orientation in teaching in secondary schools and on university campuses, denouncing the repression of parental rights in choosing content and teaching methods, the presence of religion in the military and throughout the defense apparatus, the conditioning of public healthcare funding, and demanding respect for religious principles and the protection of conscientious objection for religious reasons in healthcare, especially regarding abortion and the fight against mandatory vaccinations. In Chapter 11, the Commission addresses the issue of anti-Semitism, then moves on to the protection of places of worship, concluding with a general overview of the obstacles to religious freedom in the public and private sectors.
Each chapter of the Report contains a partial conclusion and a list of recommendations intended to influence the resolution of the problems identified, suggesting legislative interventions, ways to engage the authorities, procedures for seeking judicial protection, and anything else that can contribute to changing institutional attitudes toward these issues. The report concludes with a series of considerations summarizing the positions expressed in detail in the report on individual issues.
It is suggested that these issues be part of civic education delivered in public institutions, so as to counter secularism, seen as a solution to conflicts between Church and State, support religious Americans, promote fruitful collaboration with traditionalist institutions supposedly working for the common good, and foster appreciation for the United States' religious heritage. It also encourages celebration of religion and its contributions to societal cohesion. It also addresses the right to public policies related to education, healthcare, the armed forces, and religiously inspired institutions, which need to be strengthened. It also addresses the legal system and the judiciary, whose work must be guided and controlled by the government. Only under these conditions can current trends be reversed, reintroducing the presence of religion in society, at every stage of human life.
At the end of the report, two appendices are dedicated to conceptually overcoming the so-called "wall of separation" between Church and State that has until now guaranteed the secularity of the American system and inspired judicial decisions. To achieve this goal, students in public schools must assert their rights to religious freedom by requiring the presence of religion. Parents and public school staff must also assert their right to religious freedom in the workplace, recalling that they
all have the right, as employees, to place religious symbols in the classroom or teach religion in school. It is recalled that university students have the same right, and that any parent can request that their child be excused from classes or activities contrary to their faith. Healthcare workers can do the same by refusing to participate in practices contrary to their faith or by refusing to administer or receive vaccines. Members of the military can also request accommodations to practice their religion appropriately, as can those working in the private sector.
The right of religious leaders to preach and teach in public and in institutions is reaffirmed, as is the right of local legislators to open public gatherings with prayers, add religious holidays to the calendar, and maintain religious symbols on public property. The right of the President, governors, and mayors to issue proclamations on holidays and religious matters is reaffirmed.
Appendix B of the report formulates 12 key recommendations to strengthen the religious freedom of all Americans, suggesting publicly honoring religious freedom heroes, commemorating the appreciation of the United States' religious heritage, highlighting religion's contribution to freedom, and promoting religion in public education, fostering awareness of its educational and value-building importance.
The report concludes with a set of recommendations, the first and most important of which is addressed to President Trump, urging him to take executive action to make domestic religious freedom a permanent policy priority, similar to what is already done for international religious freedom, which is promoted through the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom .

Interventions to protect religion

The first protection must be granted to religious leaders, eliminating the proceedings against them that often have a preemptive, intimidating effect. This can be achieved by influencing the appointment of judges and selecting them based on their favor religiosis and proven commitment to defending religion. The same approach and determination must be applied to officials of federal agencies, through the establishment of "Divisions for Conscience and Religious Freedom" throughout the federal government. These divisions are tasked with responding to and investigating complaints regarding alleged violations of religious freedom, enforcing religious freedom laws and regulations, conducting audits of their department's or agency's policies, programs, and practices to identify religious discrimination, recommending and overseeing remedies to eliminate any religiously discriminatory policies, programs, or practices, publishing reports on violations of religious freedom, investigations, enforcement actions, and the solutions adopted, issuing guidelines on the religious freedom rights of entities under the jurisdiction of the department or agency, and implementing the report's recommendations. The Commission further recommends that the President and the White House Faith Office encourage the formation of Religious Liberty Commissions and Faith Offices in all fifty states and internationally. To ensure Americans enjoy the full enjoyment of religious liberty protections under the Constitution and law, the Department of Justice should also develop a dedicated Religious Liberty Task Force which should: advocate for the overturning of precedents such as Employment Division v. Smith, City of Boerne v. Flores, and Christian Legal Society v. Martinez; advocate for American communities that adopt laws, policies, or practices that reflect their religious culture and are consistent with historical practices and interpretations under the Establishment Clause; advance arguments for the distinct and necessary authority of parents to direct the religious education of their children, consistent with the nation's history and traditions, and in collaboration with other federal parental rights initiatives; limit the federal government's assertion of compelling public interests in cases clearly based on existing law, issue cease-and-desist letters to any state or local authority regarding statutes, administrative rules, or operational guidelines that contain discriminatory restrictions based on religion on access to public programs or funding.
The government should also address litigation and amend legislation to support religion and its institutions, ensuring and facilitating public funding, granting greater religious freedom to associations, even at the expense of the rights and freedoms of the workers they employ, and prioritizing religious associations and families in foster care and adoptions. The report provides specific recommendations regarding litigation, suggesting legislative measures aimed at fully protecting the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) and establishing the primacy of its provisions over all others, encouraging the provision of public funding.
Of particular concern is the recommendation, following President Trump's Executive Order of November 13, 2025, " Fostering the Future for American Children and Families ," aimed at maximizing foster care partnerships for religious Americans. The order recommends reviewing all applicable regulations regarding foster care and adoption. The Department of Health and Human Services should interpret the RFRA to favor adoptions or foster care that ensure religious education. Similar guidelines should be issued for health care institutions, public schools, the enhancement of the military's role, supporting military chaplains, and actions taken by associations, favoring religious ones. Further action is suggested to protect those who refuse vaccinations for themselves and others, as well as the interpretation of the presidential order " Guaranteeing Fair Banking for All Americans ," and other measures aimed at ending religious discrimination in banking, insurance, and data services.

The confessionalization of American society

With this measure, the Trump administration is preparing for a cultural and legislative intervention aimed at clericalizing and sectarianizing American society. Unable to act on the level of amendments to the First Amendment, it is providing an interpretation and suggesting a strictly sectarian application, exploiting the discretion of the judiciary and the administration and the interpretative flexibility of the rules typical of a common law system. Indeed, amending the First Amendment, like any other part of the United States Constitution, would have required an extremely rigorous formal process, established by Article V of the Constitution, to be amended or even repealed.
This process involves two distinct phases: proposal and ratification. The proposed amendment must be presented to Congress and must be approved by a two-thirds (67%) majority in both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Two-thirds of state legislatures (34 out of 50) can request Congress to convene a "National Convention" to propose amendments. Due to the difficulties and majorities required, this method has never been used in the history of the United States.
Once approved and officially proposed, the amendment must be ratified to become law, following one of two methods established by Congress.
It must be approved by the legislatures of three-quarters of the states (at least 38 of the 50 states) and by special conventions convened in three-quarters of the states. This method has been used only once in the history of the United States.
The system was deliberately designed by the Founding Fathers to be highly complex and requires bipartisan consensus at the national level, making constitutional amendments very rare.
Trump's majority in Congress is insufficient to permit this procedure, and when unable to do so, the Commission proceeds through administrative and interpretative means, attempting to subjugate public institutions through executive orders and specific, sector-specific measures, leading to a radical shift in direction that overturns decades of constitutional jurisprudence. For this reason, the Commission's work is characterized by an extremely partisan reading of Supreme Court jurisprudence, delving into the specifics of individual cases and suggesting for each case a different interpretation and legislative or administrative approach to overcoming the Court's interpretation of the rules. In this way, the Trump administration seeks to stage an institutional-bureaucratic coup of epochal proportions, capable of undermining the US legal system, subverting the relationship between state and religion, and transforming the United States into a multi-faith state and society, where the role of religion is an essential element of government support and legitimacy.
American civil society is mobilizing against the danger posed by this degeneration of the order, because it's not a question of defending the achievements of woke culture, but the very foundations of legislation, the Constitution, and American separatism as a whole. Violating it means taking responsibility for dividing the country, engaging it in a religious war.
In the immediate future, the Commission's work, in addition to being part of the MAGA political plan to clericalize American society and oppose woke culture, is an instrument of Trump's intentions to combat what he sees as the greatest future danger. We are referring to the growth of the self-styled socialist movement within the US Democratic Party, ideally led by Bennie Sanders and Mamdani, Mayor of New York. When we talk about American socialism, we must be clear because it is American-style socialism, which does not advocate public ownership of the means of production but pursues the goal of establishing widespread forms of welfare in American society, with attention to the provision of public services, healthcare and public schools, aid and social support for the poorest: a sort of soft social democracy that, however, due to the absolute liberalism that characterizes the United States, is identified with communism, despite being characterized by populism.
This trend, which Trump is deeply concerned about due to his growing electoral success, is being criminalized, associating it with the so-called "Antifa" groups, which are believed to constitute the new form of left-wing terrorism. The Trump administration has called an international conference against this issue in Washington on July 16th. Sixty countries, including Italy, were invited to the conference, but it was poorly attended due to the theses it espoused and the dangers it feared. The real problem is that the ongoing polarization of political conflict in the United States raises concerns that even modest demands, typically social democratic, could undermine an increasingly acutely reactionary social governance.

Gianni Cimbalo

https://www.ucadi.org/2026/07/23/guerra-alla-laicita-e-al-separatismo-negli-stati-uniti/
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