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(en) Italy, UCADI, #210 - War on secularism and separatism in the United States (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Wed, 26 Aug 2026 08:06:19 +0300
At the beginning of his second presidential term in 2025, Trump, while
attending the National Prayer Breakfast, established a White House Faith
Office, appointing the histrionic Pastor Paula Wite to head it, and
issued an executive order establishing a Commission on Religious
Freedom, instructing then-Attorney General Pam Bondi to create a task
force to investigate and eradicate anti-Christian prejudice . The
Commission was to address all threats to Christianity within the
government, but also in government agencies such as the FBI, IRS, and
Department of Justice, as well as in society, working closely with the
Domestic Policy Council , which includes key administration officials
and members of the presidential cabinet. On June 26, 2026, the
Commission published its first 224-page
report.[https://www.justice.gov/religious-liberty-commission/media/1449896/dl?inline].
The commission consisted of 13 members, including ex officio government
officials , religious leaders, and legal experts.
Commission Chair Dan Patrick - Lieutenant Governor of Texas, Dr. Ben
Carson (Vice Chair) - Former U.S. Secretary of Housing and Urban
Development, Kelly Shackelford - President and CEO of First Liberty
Institute, Rabbi Meir Soloveichik - Rabbi of Congregation Shearith
Israel, Paula White - Senior Advisor to the White House Faith Office,
Bishop Thomas Paprocki - Bishop of Springfield, Illinois, Cardinal
Timothy Dolan - Archbishop of New York, Rev. Franklin Graham -
Evangelist and Missionary, Dr. Phil McGraw - Psychologist and Television
Personality, Bishop Robert Barron - Bishop and Founder of Word on Fire,
Ryan Anderson - President of the Ethics and Public Policy Center, Carrie
Prejean Boller - Member Commissioner.
The Commission's report is divided into a first chapter dedicated to the
importance of religion in supporting the state, society, and what are
defined as civic virtues, which coincide with humanitarian law; the
protection of the family in raising children; oversight of the cultural
content of teaching in public schools; public funding of private and
homeschooling; respect for choices in health and ethical matters
(abortion and end-of-life practices); the social bonds of divorce; and
the pursuit of happiness.
The second and third chapters of the Report revisit and reinterpret the
Supreme Court's jurisprudence on these matters, offering a biased and
partisan reading aimed at attacking the secular and separatist
jurisprudence that has systematically penalized and penalized broader
demands for religious freedom, undermined by excessive secularism,
opposed to families' absolute power to educate minors, and, above all,
victimized by woke culture, accused of seeking to eliminate social
inequalities, racism, sexism, and the protection of minority rights.
Active measures to combat historical and racial discrimination by
promoting a critical review of history and culture from a progressive
perspective are particularly opposed.
The Commission suggests a return to tradition, supporting religious
pluralism, promoting the return of religion to education, especially in
public schools, increasing funding for private schools and
homeschooling, combating abortion and end-of-life treatments, and
generally combating gender culture by actively combating gender change
and opposing woke culture more generally.
The subsequent chapters examine issues related to the exercise of
religious freedom and the presence of a religious orientation in
teaching in secondary schools and on university campuses, denouncing the
repression of parental rights in choosing content and teaching methods,
the presence of religion in the military and throughout the defense
apparatus, the conditioning of public healthcare funding, and demanding
respect for religious principles and the protection of conscientious
objection for religious reasons in healthcare, especially regarding
abortion and the fight against mandatory vaccinations. In Chapter 11,
the Commission addresses the issue of anti-Semitism, then moves on to
the protection of places of worship, concluding with a general overview
of the obstacles to religious freedom in the public and private sectors.
Each chapter of the Report contains a partial conclusion and a list of
recommendations intended to influence the resolution of the problems
identified, suggesting legislative interventions, ways to engage the
authorities, procedures for seeking judicial protection, and anything
else that can contribute to changing institutional attitudes toward
these issues. The report concludes with a series of considerations
summarizing the positions expressed in detail in the report on
individual issues.
It is suggested that these issues be part of civic education delivered
in public institutions, so as to counter secularism, seen as a solution
to conflicts between Church and State, support religious Americans,
promote fruitful collaboration with traditionalist institutions
supposedly working for the common good, and foster appreciation for the
United States' religious heritage. It also encourages celebration of
religion and its contributions to societal cohesion. It also addresses
the right to public policies related to education, healthcare, the armed
forces, and religiously inspired institutions, which need to be
strengthened. It also addresses the legal system and the judiciary,
whose work must be guided and controlled by the government. Only under
these conditions can current trends be reversed, reintroducing the
presence of religion in society, at every stage of human life.
At the end of the report, two appendices are dedicated to conceptually
overcoming the so-called "wall of separation" between Church and State
that has until now guaranteed the secularity of the American system and
inspired judicial decisions. To achieve this goal, students in public
schools must assert their rights to religious freedom by requiring the
presence of religion. Parents and public school staff must also assert
their right to religious freedom in the workplace, recalling that they
all have the right, as employees, to place religious symbols in the
classroom or teach religion in school. It is recalled that university
students have the same right, and that any parent can request that their
child be excused from classes or activities contrary to their faith.
Healthcare workers can do the same by refusing to participate in
practices contrary to their faith or by refusing to administer or
receive vaccines. Members of the military can also request
accommodations to practice their religion appropriately, as can those
working in the private sector.
The right of religious leaders to preach and teach in public and in
institutions is reaffirmed, as is the right of local legislators to open
public gatherings with prayers, add religious holidays to the calendar,
and maintain religious symbols on public property. The right of the
President, governors, and mayors to issue proclamations on holidays and
religious matters is reaffirmed.
Appendix B of the report formulates 12 key recommendations to strengthen
the religious freedom of all Americans, suggesting publicly honoring
religious freedom heroes, commemorating the appreciation of the United
States' religious heritage, highlighting religion's contribution to
freedom, and promoting religion in public education, fostering awareness
of its educational and value-building importance.
The report concludes with a set of recommendations, the first and most
important of which is addressed to President Trump, urging him to take
executive action to make domestic religious freedom a permanent policy
priority, similar to what is already done for international religious
freedom, which is promoted through the United States Commission on
International Religious Freedom .
Interventions to protect religion
The first protection must be granted to religious leaders, eliminating
the proceedings against them that often have a preemptive, intimidating
effect. This can be achieved by influencing the appointment of judges
and selecting them based on their favor religiosis and proven commitment
to defending religion. The same approach and determination must be
applied to officials of federal agencies, through the establishment of
"Divisions for Conscience and Religious Freedom" throughout the federal
government. These divisions are tasked with responding to and
investigating complaints regarding alleged violations of religious
freedom, enforcing religious freedom laws and regulations, conducting
audits of their department's or agency's policies, programs, and
practices to identify religious discrimination, recommending and
overseeing remedies to eliminate any religiously discriminatory
policies, programs, or practices, publishing reports on violations of
religious freedom, investigations, enforcement actions, and the
solutions adopted, issuing guidelines on the religious freedom rights of
entities under the jurisdiction of the department or agency, and
implementing the report's recommendations. The Commission further
recommends that the President and the White House Faith Office encourage
the formation of Religious Liberty Commissions and Faith Offices in all
fifty states and internationally. To ensure Americans enjoy the full
enjoyment of religious liberty protections under the Constitution and
law, the Department of Justice should also develop a dedicated Religious
Liberty Task Force which should: advocate for the overturning of
precedents such as Employment Division v. Smith, City of Boerne v.
Flores, and Christian Legal Society v. Martinez; advocate for American
communities that adopt laws, policies, or practices that reflect their
religious culture and are consistent with historical practices and
interpretations under the Establishment Clause; advance arguments for
the distinct and necessary authority of parents to direct the religious
education of their children, consistent with the nation's history and
traditions, and in collaboration with other federal parental rights
initiatives; limit the federal government's assertion of compelling
public interests in cases clearly based on existing law, issue
cease-and-desist letters to any state or local authority regarding
statutes, administrative rules, or operational guidelines that contain
discriminatory restrictions based on religion on access to public
programs or funding.
The government should also address litigation and amend legislation to
support religion and its institutions, ensuring and facilitating public
funding, granting greater religious freedom to associations, even at the
expense of the rights and freedoms of the workers they employ, and
prioritizing religious associations and families in foster care and
adoptions. The report provides specific recommendations regarding
litigation, suggesting legislative measures aimed at fully protecting
the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) and establishing the
primacy of its provisions over all others, encouraging the provision of
public funding.
Of particular concern is the recommendation, following President Trump's
Executive Order of November 13, 2025, " Fostering the Future for
American Children and Families ," aimed at maximizing foster care
partnerships for religious Americans. The order recommends reviewing all
applicable regulations regarding foster care and adoption. The
Department of Health and Human Services should interpret the RFRA to
favor adoptions or foster care that ensure religious education. Similar
guidelines should be issued for health care institutions, public
schools, the enhancement of the military's role, supporting military
chaplains, and actions taken by associations, favoring religious ones.
Further action is suggested to protect those who refuse vaccinations for
themselves and others, as well as the interpretation of the presidential
order " Guaranteeing Fair Banking for All Americans ," and other
measures aimed at ending religious discrimination in banking, insurance,
and data services.
The confessionalization of American society
With this measure, the Trump administration is preparing for a cultural
and legislative intervention aimed at clericalizing and sectarianizing
American society. Unable to act on the level of amendments to the First
Amendment, it is providing an interpretation and suggesting a strictly
sectarian application, exploiting the discretion of the judiciary and
the administration and the interpretative flexibility of the rules
typical of a common law system. Indeed, amending the First Amendment,
like any other part of the United States Constitution, would have
required an extremely rigorous formal process, established by Article V
of the Constitution, to be amended or even repealed.
This process involves two distinct phases: proposal and ratification.
The proposed amendment must be presented to Congress and must be
approved by a two-thirds (67%) majority in both the House of
Representatives and the Senate. Two-thirds of state legislatures (34 out
of 50) can request Congress to convene a "National Convention" to
propose amendments. Due to the difficulties and majorities required,
this method has never been used in the history of the United States.
Once approved and officially proposed, the amendment must be ratified to
become law, following one of two methods established by Congress.
It must be approved by the legislatures of three-quarters of the states
(at least 38 of the 50 states) and by special conventions convened in
three-quarters of the states. This method has been used only once in the
history of the United States.
The system was deliberately designed by the Founding Fathers to be
highly complex and requires bipartisan consensus at the national level,
making constitutional amendments very rare.
Trump's majority in Congress is insufficient to permit this procedure,
and when unable to do so, the Commission proceeds through administrative
and interpretative means, attempting to subjugate public institutions
through executive orders and specific, sector-specific measures, leading
to a radical shift in direction that overturns decades of constitutional
jurisprudence. For this reason, the Commission's work is characterized
by an extremely partisan reading of Supreme Court jurisprudence, delving
into the specifics of individual cases and suggesting for each case a
different interpretation and legislative or administrative approach to
overcoming the Court's interpretation of the rules. In this way, the
Trump administration seeks to stage an institutional-bureaucratic coup
of epochal proportions, capable of undermining the US legal system,
subverting the relationship between state and religion, and transforming
the United States into a multi-faith state and society, where the role
of religion is an essential element of government support and legitimacy.
American civil society is mobilizing against the danger posed by this
degeneration of the order, because it's not a question of defending the
achievements of woke culture, but the very foundations of legislation,
the Constitution, and American separatism as a whole. Violating it means
taking responsibility for dividing the country, engaging it in a
religious war.
In the immediate future, the Commission's work, in addition to being
part of the MAGA political plan to clericalize American society and
oppose woke culture, is an instrument of Trump's intentions to combat
what he sees as the greatest future danger. We are referring to the
growth of the self-styled socialist movement within the US Democratic
Party, ideally led by Bennie Sanders and Mamdani, Mayor of New York.
When we talk about American socialism, we must be clear because it is
American-style socialism, which does not advocate public ownership of
the means of production but pursues the goal of establishing widespread
forms of welfare in American society, with attention to the provision of
public services, healthcare and public schools, aid and social support
for the poorest: a sort of soft social democracy that, however, due to
the absolute liberalism that characterizes the United States, is
identified with communism, despite being characterized by populism.
This trend, which Trump is deeply concerned about due to his growing
electoral success, is being criminalized, associating it with the
so-called "Antifa" groups, which are believed to constitute the new form
of left-wing terrorism. The Trump administration has called an
international conference against this issue in Washington on July 16th.
Sixty countries, including Italy, were invited to the conference, but it
was poorly attended due to the theses it espoused and the dangers it
feared. The real problem is that the ongoing polarization of political
conflict in the United States raises concerns that even modest demands,
typically social democratic, could undermine an increasingly acutely
reactionary social governance.
Gianni Cimbalo
https://www.ucadi.org/2026/07/23/guerra-alla-laicita-e-al-separatismo-negli-stati-uniti/
_________________________________________
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