A-Infos (en) France, UCL AL #371 - Antifascism - Municipal Elections and the Far Right: More Mayoralties, More Power? (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

In March, the far right ultimately won over 60 mayoralties, an 
unprecedented result. The National Rally (RN) was the main beneficiary, 
strengthening its local base. It notably extended its influence in its 
strongholds in the former mining region of Pas-de-Calais and in the 
southeast. But it also succeeded, for the first time, in establishing 
itself in cities in the southwest and central regions. It is essential 
for the antifascist camp to analyze this new stage of the far right's 
expansion: does it correspond to a genuine increase in support for the 
far right? What are the consequences for the institutional framework? 
What lessons can be learned for antifascist strategies to be deployed in 
the coming year?

At first glance, the victory of the RN and the rest of the far right is 
undeniable. In the vast majority of the municipalities where it already 
held power, National Rally (RN) mayors were overwhelmingly re-elected in 
the first round. Ciotti, the RN's proxy, won Nice, the second city with 
over 100,000 inhabitants governed by the far right after Perpignan. The 
party tripled the number of municipalities it controlled, going from 
around twenty to over fifty, and won mayoralties that were strongholds 
of the social-democratic or communist left, such as Vierzon in the Cher 
department and La Flèche in the Sarthe department. It also established 
itself in several medium-sized cities in the Southwest (Castres, 
Carcassonne, Montauban, etc.) and narrowly lost in the second round in 
many others, such as Tarbes, Douai, and Lens. But beyond the National 
Rally (RN), we are also witnessing, albeit sporadically and worryingly, 
the breakthrough of an openly radical far right in a few cities: notably 
Sarah Knafo in Paris, a member of Reconquête!, with 10% of the vote 
(mainly in affluent neighborhoods), or Harfleur (76), where a candidate 
from Florian Philippot's conspiracy-minded micro-party wrested the city 
from the Communists. Even more alarming is Segré-en-Anjou-Bleu, where 
Jean Eudes Gannat, formerly of the Alvarium group in Angers and a 
neo-fascist influencer, was elected municipal councilor and garnered 
over 21% of the vote. Nationally, the total number of votes for the far 
right in the first round has jumped by 30% since 2014, reaching 1.6 
million votes[1].

In Strasbourg, the "Strasbourg c'est nous" (Strasbourg is us) list 
caused quite a stir in far-right circles with its leaflets in Arabic, 
Turkish, and Alsatian. Moreover, it was represented by Cem Yoldas, a 
former member of the Young Antifascist Guard. Out of a need to protect 
his fellow candidates from far-right violence, Cem Yoldas withdrew his 
candidacy in February. (Photo: Rouge/Alexandre)
The far right is not yet hegemonic.
Ultimately, aren't these elections another victorious step for the 
National Rally (RN) towards power? If we look beyond the pronouncements 
of the far right itself, the reality is more nuanced. Firstly, because 
while the far right won some mayoralties, they also lost others, notably 
Villers-Cotterêts (Oise) and Bollène (Vaucluse). The RN also failed in 
Nîmes, against a communist candidate, and in Toulon, where their 
candidate, Laure Lavalette, was the favorite. In Marseille, Franck 
Allisio, following the withdrawal of the LFI candidate, lost decisively 
to the Socialist Party. In these three cities, with their diverse social 
populations, it was observed that electoral resistance to the far right 
still existed, a sign that media normalization of the issue is not 
entirely achieved at the local level, even when the leaders of the 
Republicans are increasingly fascist-friendly.

Rachida Dati, the Republican candidate for mayor of Paris, was supported 
in the second round by Jordan Bardella and Sarah Knafo.

In general, the number of lists that the National Rally (RN) managed to 
field remained roughly the same as in 2014, and the number of 
mayoralties that fell to the far right remained relatively marginal 
compared to the traditional left (828 municipalities) or right (1,267 
municipalities) out of nearly 35,000 municipalities[2]. Above all, 
although the National Rally (RN) has made some inroads, its electoral 
gains are concentrated where it already has a strong presence, and its 
overall foothold remains highly volatile: it is declining, even 
disappearing, particularly in major urban areas, the Paris suburbs, and 
even in certain departments where it had initially achieved success in 
municipal elections, such as Eure. Finally, the RN remains virtually 
nonexistent across a large part of the country[3].

Strengthening solidarity and anti-fascist resistance

Another factor that puts the significance of these elections into 
perspective is the massive abstention rate of over 57%. This abstention 
favors re-elections in the first round, as do the high percentages of 
the National Rally (RN), whose electorate is more mobilized than others. 
Moreover, this abstention rate, which is no longer decreasing, is linked 
to the ongoing democratic erosion of municipal institutions: weakened by 
administrative mergers, controlled by prefects, and possessing very 
little financial and political autonomy, municipalities are now the poor 
relations of representative institutions, in a general climate of 
authoritarianism[4].

We can therefore put into perspective the undeniable rise of the far 
right and the intensity of its expansion. However, we must not neglect 
or minimize its reach: increasingly large territories are under the 
control of the National Rally. Even with limited powers, these mayors 
will implement the formula that, in most cases, guarantees the National 
Rally's stability: silencing the opposition when it exists, withdrawing 
subsidies from human rights organizations or those considered 
"pro-immigration," suppressing culture, implementing security policies, 
and fostering a racist and stigmatizing climate for minorities.

Above all, with 3,000 municipal councilors, the National Rally will be 
able to more heavily influence another "democratic" institution: the 
Senate, whose by-elections are scheduled for September and where, thanks 
to its elected representatives, the National Rally could, for the first 
time, secure around ten senators.

Faced with this growing momentum, grassroots antifascists, while they 
have launched initiatives (such as the "Ciao Facho!" or "Éputons la 
flamme" campaigns), do not yet have sufficient reach to achieve national 
visibility, particularly to re-establish and sustain a counter-narrative 
in areas currently held by the National Rally. Tools are being 
developed, notably Vigilance and Antifascist Trade Union Initiative 
(VISA), as trade unions often remain the last remaining tools in 
National Rally (RN) municipalities, and their members are subject to 
repression[5]. With less than a year until the presidential elections, 
it is still possible and urgent to invest in, build, and strengthen 
antifascist resistance.

Hugues (UCL Fougères)

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[1]"The breakthrough of a neo-fascist candidate in the municipal 
elections causes astonishment in Maine-et-Loire," Le Monde, April 2, 2026.

[2]"Town halls, forever powerless?" "QED," March 7, 2026.

[3]"Municipal Elections 2026: Lessons from the Second Round in Graphs," 
Le Monde, March 23, 2026.

[4]"Municipal Elections 2026: The Map That Puts the National Rally's 
Electoral Gains into Perspective," Les Échos, March 18, 2026.

[5]"No to Anti-Union Repression in Hénin-Beaumont!" Tribune du Club de 
Mediapart, November 10, 2025.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Municipales-et-extreme-droite-Toujours-plus-de-mairies-toujours-plus-de-pouvoir
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