A-Infos (en) Italy, UCADI, #208 - Central Africa under the onslaught of a new colonialism (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Last month's attempted coup in Mali cannot be understood without 
considering this conflict part of the instability affecting 
international power structures, involving Central Africa, which is 
undergoing a second phase of decolonization, marked by the definitive 
end of the French presence in the region. ---- The French presence 
survived the liberation processes of the 1960s, barricading itself 
behind the Francophone language of the colonized countries. This was 
thanks to the presence of ruling classes educated in France and linked 
to the various French governments through business ties, which allowed 
for a more "discreet" presence in the region than in the past, and 
thanks to the control exercised over their economies through the 
monetary instrument, the CFA franc (WAEMU). The ongoing conflicts, 
however, also stem from the existence of state entities whose borders 
were drawn on paper, without taking into account ethnic affiliations, 
family ties within the territory, or the different cultural and 
religious entities.

Central Africa as a center of penetration of Islam and Israel

Central Africa, geographically constituting a cultural area of 
penetration and border of Islam towards southern and southern Africa, 
has always been characterised by the presence of Islamic brotherhoods 
that have constituted and practiced forms of hybridised Islam, but 
capable of involving and absorbing local beliefs, such as animism, in 
order to assimilate and incorporate it.[1]These all belong to Sunni 
Islam but this, in the version in which it is translated from the 
Arabian peninsula, does not tolerate hybridisation and, profoundly 
influenced by Wahhabism, at the same time fights Westernisation, 
presenting the recovery of religious purity as a tool for emancipation 
from colonialism.
It thus becomes a tool for political penetration and a fertile ground 
for the spread of guerrilla movements, led by Saudi Arabia, but also by 
the Sunni Gulf countries. These movements are linked to the development 
and spread of jihadism, spurred by the US aggression against Islam 
following the November 11 attacks and the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, and 
elsewhere that have characterized US policy.
These cultural and political conditions, these religious affiliations, 
have favored the spread of Al Qaeda-related groups in the sub-Saharan 
region, which have always found fertile ground in these conditions, 
merging and aligning themselves with secular anti-colonial movements. 
The penetration of the Sunni countries of the Arabian Peninsula through 
jihadist movements in the Sahel has intensified, due to the area's 
wealth and the concentration of gold and diamond deposits there. These 
have stimulated the appetites of first Saudi Arabia, then the United 
Arab Emirates, and have found useful and significant allies in Israel, 
whose operators dominate the diamond market, with a traditional presence 
in the cutting and marketing sectors. This has led to an apparent, 
unprecedented, and contradictory alliance between Israel and the Sunni 
countries of the Persian Gulf in support of the guerrilla movements, 
which has become evident over the years and is built on solid and proven 
foundations. These conditions have allowed international jihadism to 
recruit proselytes and militarily train personnel, professionally 
trained in the wars in Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq, and most recently in 
Ukraine, and thus to be able to have the necessary cadres to develop 
penetration and to direct and use the actions of armed gangs aimed at 
managing the clandestine mines installed in an immense and difficult to 
control territory.

The destabilization of Central Africa and the Libyan crisis

The presence of a ring of stable countries protecting the Mediterranean 
helped contain the phenomenon until 2011, but the overthrow of Gaddafi, 
coerced by the United States and France, exacerbated the crisis. French 
rule began to deteriorate, intensifying after 2017 with the advent of 
the Macron presidency, under the pressure of jihadist movements, 
increasingly widespread across the country. These movements identified 
the national bourgeoisies supporting French colonialism as a fragile 
adversary, drawing strength from French military support, which proved 
ineffective. At the same time, the number of clandestine mines and 
convoys of gold and diamonds heading to the Persian Gulf grew: gold and 
diamonds mined and looted locally, thanks to forced recruitment and the 
use as slave labor of the non-paying migrants intercepted by militias, 
who captured caravans of desperate people marching towards the 
Mediterranean. This led to the strengthening of guerrilla movements 
intent on weakening territorial control.
The military forces of the countries in the region, trained in French 
academies, saw their failures mounting as they were sent to give their 
lives in defense of their respective states, while observing and 
becoming aware of the collusion between the corrupt local political 
class and the rebel forces operating in the territory, forces that could 
not have operated effectively without the support of collusion within 
the state apparatus. They saw before their eyes the proceeds of 
corruption flowing, fueling those who effectively sent them to their 
deaths in defense of their own exclusive interests. This created the 
conditions within the armed forces for a reversal of political power, 
sometimes characterized by the substitution of one clan for another, but 
increasingly by growing desires for emancipation from this state of 
exploitation and domination. Meanwhile, new actors entered the 
operational arena.
The continuation of the Libyan crisis led to the presence in this 
country of Turkey, interested in Libya for economic reasons and because 
it was already part of the Turkish Empire, as well as of Russia, seeking 
safe bases in the Mediterranean for its fleet, to face the worsening of 
the Syrian crisis, both these powers intending to have logistical bases 
in Libya to operate in the conflict in Sudan, where they could protect 
their respective interests in the ongoing civil war. These are the main 
reasons for their support for Colonel Khalifa Haftar who controls 
Cyrenaica, obtaining in exchange for the political and military support 
granted to him an operational corridor of access to Sudan[2]which 
allowed them to establish themselves on the African continent, 
constituting a political point of reference for the other countries of 
the continent as well.
Thus, all the conditions were created for elites trained in the armed 
forces of some Francophone African countries to decide to free 
themselves from the oppression of their colonial national bourgeoisies, 
as well as their colonial allies and sponsors.
This revolt sought and found military support in Russia and Turkey, as 
well as the opportunity to benefit from Chinese and Turkish 
infrastructure investments, interested in an economic presence in these 
countries regardless of the political power structure. They believed 
this would alleviate the growing frustration resulting from repeated 
defeats at the hands of jihadist groups and forces destabilizing state 
power, fueled precisely by the degradation of their respective 
countries' civil and political institutions. These forces were in 
collusion with the enemy they claimed to be fighting, and fearful of 
having to accommodate the region's re-Islamization tendencies.

The changing of the guerrilla's sponsors

Israel's war of aggression against Iran, with US support, has led to the 
involvement of the Persian Gulf states, especially the United Arab 
Emirates, in the conflict. These have become targets for Iran and have 
seen their resources reduced, forced to focus on defense, while Israel's 
resources have been channeled primarily into the conflict with the 
Shiite Islamic states linked to Iran. Thus, their operational influence 
in supporting the jihadist groups in the Sahael has slowed, with new 
sponsors emerging: France, with bases in Mauritania, driven by a desire 
for revenge, and, at least in part, Algerian circles, interested in 
channeling the growing demands of the Tuareg populations, who aspire to 
have their own space to develop and maintain their culture, toward 
external targets. These second protagonists of the guerrilla warfare in 
Central Africa have long been present in the territory, as the Tuareg 
ethnic group has always been a minority in the states designed on paper 
by colonialism, unable to find space for their own autonomous homeland. 
Tuareg nationalist identity had sought a foothold in Algerian domestic 
politics, but once the internal insurrectionary movements were defeated 
within the country, their sights were turned by Algerian leaders 
themselves toward the governments of neighboring countries. France, 
ousted following the emancipation process we have reported on in Central 
Africa, took advantage of this situation. This explains the 
intensification and current composition of the guerrilla warfare 
underway in Mali, which includes militants from the jihadist terrorist 
groups "JNIM" and the "FLA," which organizes the Tuareg, operationally 
united in pursuing a common strategy, facilitated by the political and 
diplomatic errors of the Bamako government. While the FLA aims to secure 
its own vital space, particularly by controlling the northern city of 
Kidal, on the border with Algeria, the jihadists are aiming to create 
the conditions for the Islamization of the country by influencing the 
government, guided behind the scenes by Saudi Arabia's plenipotentiary, 
Imam Mahmud Vic.
To direct their guerrilla operations and strengthen their effectiveness, 
Ukrainian soldiers, especially drone operators, appear to have been 
deployed to counter the deployment of Russian troops from the African 
Intervention Corps to support government troops, who have replaced the 
French. To support the government and the Russians, specialists sent 
from Turkey have been deployed to train the army and provide a guard 
post to protect President Assimi Goïta, who has assumed the role of 
interim president following the killing of the defense minister in the 
recent riots.

Why now: the new actors

It is perhaps no coincidence that guerrilla warfare intensified after 
Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso established their own joint military 
force, called UF-SAER, on February 21, 2026. It consisted of five 
thousand soldiers and was equipped with air, land, and intelligence 
assets. This marked a new phase in security cooperation between these 
three Sahelian states, commanded by Burkinabe General Daouda Traoré, 
whose close associate was General Sadio Camaro, Mali's defense minister, 
killed by jihadists, who had led negotiations for the Russian presence 
in the country.
This structure was established in September 2023, with the signing of 
the Liptako-Gourma Charter, which created the Alliance of Sahel States , 
which became a confederation in July 2024, strengthening its internal 
political and strategic framework. At the same time, the three African 
states formally withdrew from the Economic Community of West African 
States (ECOWAS) in January 2025, criticizing it for its ineffectiveness 
in managing security crises and for France's excessive influence and 
hegemonic role, which has also proven incapable of containing the rebels.
At the same time, the three countries have diversified their military 
and diplomatic alliances, with new partnerships, particularly those 
signed with Russia, Turkey, and China.
It is a fact that China is investing in infrastructure in the three 
countries, obtaining in return a sales platform for its products, 
objectively boosting the country's economic development. Russia is 
providing military support and training for its armed forces, while 
Turkey is also expanding investments and reaping the benefits of a 
market of 90 million citizens, who together constitute the population of 
the three Sahel states. They enjoy good relations with Ghana, a hub for 
the Russian and Chinese militaries, as do the Turks. China has become a 
major trading and financial partner in the country, as it has in Ghana, 
with investments exceeding $60 billion over the past two decades. Key 
sectors include infrastructure, mining (bauxite and gold), and energy. 
Ghana encourages further Chinese investment, although concerns exist 
about debt sustainability and illegal mining. Beijing has promised and 
is providing financing for infrastructure (roads, bridges, and railways) 
in exchange for access to Ghanaian bauxite, as part of a central 
agreement with the government, which has acknowledged the strong 
presence of Chinese companies in mining, particularly gold. Investments 
in infrastructure in recent years have reached $2.25 billion.
Turkey's presence is part of Ankara's broader strategy of economic and 
diplomatic expansion in sub-Saharan Africa. Turkish investments in the 
country are primarily focused on infrastructure, energy, and industry, 
through companies such as Summa, Limak, and Albayrak, and in the energy 
sector, including the supply of power generation solutions (powerships). 
Ghana has signed defense agreements with Turkey, which include the 
potential supply of drones and other military equipment, fitting into 
Turkey's defense technology export strategy, leading to a significant 
increase in trade. Ghana is seen as a Turkish logistics hub in the 
region, as Turkey has significantly increased its total trade with 
Africa through significant direct investments and thousands of 
infrastructure projects completed by Turkish contractors with the 
opening of credit lines.
Interestingly, the growth of stability is supporting the beginnings of 
timid economic development and has nevertheless allowed Burkina Faso in 
particular, whichas mentionedis one of Africa's leading producers of 
gold, a resource that dominates the economy and accounts for 
approximately 74.6% of its exports, to increase its revenues to finance 
development. In addition to gold, the subsoil is rich in manganese, 
zinc, copper, phosphates, and limestone, and this has enabled the 
implementation of reform policies that include the establishment of a 
nascent social service system, the establishment of a public healthcare 
system, and the beginnings of the nationalization of mineral resources, 
which poses a real threat to the interests of the former colonizers, 
Arab-Israeli plunderers, and guerrilla groups. This dangerous example 
risks being emulated by the other two partners.
It should be noted that the Government of Burkina Faso has already taken 
control of several mines and licenses, establishing the Société de 
Participation Minière du Burkina (SOPAMIB) to manage strategic 
resources, while artisanal gold mining is widespread, often informal and 
with serious environmental impacts (use of mercury). The control of 
mineral resources is in fact the strategic issue that represents and 
makes the area extremely interesting, especially since the possible 
success of this Union could constitute a pole of attraction for 
Gabon,[3]also marked by the expulsion of the French colonizers and offer 
a platform for the stabilization of Sudan and South Sudan, countries 
where, not by chance, both Turkey and Russia and China operate.
From this reconstruction it is clear how the area constitutes an 
important platform for the stable penetration into Africa and the 
marginalization of Western French and American interests in the area and 
affects the sources of financing of the guerrilla groups and the 
policies of the countries that support them. Beyond the ambiguities and 
contradictions that distinguish the objectives of the essentially 
nationalist Tuareg movement from the jihadists, who have clashed 
frequently in the past, the insurrectionary and guerrilla actions in 
Mali could have a destabilizing effect on all three countries, bringing 
them back under the control of their eternal masters.
Finally, the use of Ukrainians as soldiers of fortune, as members of an 
international anti-Russian militia, confirms the role that the 
para-fascist groups in this country have assigned themselves as Western 
praetorians, offering themselves as mercenaries to defend Western 
interests, provided they are anti-Russian, even by drawing on the many 
Colombian mercenaries trained on the Ukrainian battlefields where they 
learned their trade.
These butchers' tanneries need cannon fodder, recruited by turning 
migrants unable to pay the protection money to cross the desert into a 
shock force, and by recruiting those who, desperate, crowd Libyan 
concentration camps and see jihadist recruitment as the only way to 
escape slavery, thus becoming executioners. Another form of proselytism 
is offered to captured Malian soldiers, offering them the choice of 
joining their ranks or being executed. As can be seen, this complex 
picture has a significant impact on the migration phenomenon affecting 
our country and Europe as a whole. It therefore deserves close attention 
from the European side, which is completely absent from the Union, whose 
political decisions are managed by the three cheerful geese: Ursula von 
der Stupid, Kaja Kretina Kallas, and Roberta Metzola.

[1]G. Cimbalo, Islamic brotherhoods in the Balkans: a model of plural 
European Islam, in "Daimon". Yearbook of Comparative Law of Religions, 
Il Mulino, Bologna, 2009, pp. 225-245; ID., Contribution to the study of 
Islam in Europe, in Aequitas sive Deus, Studies in honor of Rinaldo 
Bertolino, Giappichelli Editore, Turin 2011, pp. 557-574 .
[2]The Editorial Staff, France: Africa goodbye, Published, Newsletter, N 
197, May 2025 .
[3]In Gabon a self-administered coup d'état, Newsletter, Crescita 
Politica, n. 176 September 2023 .

GL

https://www.ucadi.org/2026/05/23/lafrica-centrale-sotto-lassalto-di-un-nuovo-colonialismo/
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