A-Infos (en) Turkey, Yeryuzu Postasi: Ideas Cannot Be Emancipated - Aristotle Chantzis (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community has long resisted the 
eviction of residents from the Prosfygika area on Alexandras Street in 
Athens, Greece, under the guise of urban transformation. Aristotelis 
Chantzis, a member of Prosfygika, has been on a hunger strike since 
February 5th. We are publishing a letter written by Chantzis on April 
30th, translated into Turkish by the Prosfygika Translation Structure.

Earth Mail

We are sharing this text, written by our comrade Aristotelis Chantzis 
during his hunger strike, which began on February 5, 2026, and has now 
reached its 92nd day, in Turkish. Following the publication of the text 
in Greek on April 30, significant developments have occurred: May 1st 
has passed, our comrade Suzon Doppagne announced that she has begun a 
hunger strike in front of the Greek Parliament, and the flotilla 
initiative aimed at breaking the Palestinian blockade has entered a new 
phase. Despite these developments, the text remains entirely relevant. 
We believe it is important that this call for common struggle and 
solidarity reaches Turkish readers.

Prosfygika Translation Structure

To better understand the hunger strike I began on February 5, 2026, I 
wrote a short but comprehensive letter titled "A Message to Society, My 
Family, and My Friends" at the start of my strike. Before getting to the 
main point, I should mention that from the beginning of the hunger 
strike until the moment these lines were written, people from the three 
categories I addressed in my message approached me - some courageously, 
some recklessly, and some relying on their closeness to me; some 
directly, some indirectly - trying to dissuade me from my decision.

Before starting my hunger strike, I already knew that both I personally, 
the Community, and especially other political members would have to face 
this situation. I also knew that as my health deteriorated, calls for me 
to end the hunger strike would increase. I am only noting these calls 
because they have not yet crossed the line into hostility. This line 
means not exhibiting hostility towards what I represent as a political 
member of the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community; not 
starting to comment in narrow or broad circles, or directly or 
indirectly attacking the Community or its other members. Someone who 
behaves in this way - even if they cannot control their instincts or 
impulses - indirectly fuels the mill of oppression not only against the 
Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community, but also against 
communities in general, the world of self-organization, solidarity, 
social resistance, and the hunger strike itself as a means of struggle.

I must state clearly: I do not characterize any of those who approach me 
as "enemies" of me, the Community, or the movement in general. On the 
contrary, I understand that they do so out of affection for me and my 
person, and with the best intentions for my life. All of these 
individuals show solidarity; some even go beyond that. However, I want 
to emphasize the extent to which mechanisms of oppression can exploit 
instincts, emotions, and impulses; in some cases, this can reach a level 
sufficient to manipulate not only individuals or organizations, but 
large masses of people.

Special warfare to manipulate societies and movements.

I will not dwell on the various methods frequently used by state 
apparatuses to break hunger strikes by political prisoners in Turkey, 
Northern Kurdistan, Palestine, the US, and elsewhere; instead, I will 
focus primarily on the Northern Ireland experience and what British 
authorities call "capitulation."

Leaked documents from the Northern Ireland National Archives over the 
past decade contain references to one method of suppressing hunger 
strikes being to "surrender" the striker - that is, to manipulate or 
directly exploit the suffering of their families, in collaboration with 
Catholic priests, and persuade the striker to break the hunger strike. 
While this "surrender" objective, with a few exceptions, was largely 
unsuccessful, we cannot ignore the fact that the families of the 
strikers exerted significant pressure on the IRA to end the hunger 
strikes. Similarly, with the consent of their families, every striker 
who fell into a coma ended their hunger strike. I am not judging whether 
this decision was right or wrong; I am merely recounting the historical 
fact.

Emotional manipulation is not merely a tactic, but one of the primary 
weapons for governing societies and suppressing movements; because 
instincts, emotions, and impulses form a primitive survival system that 
often operates independently of logic. Basic survival instincts such as 
hunger, thirst, and reproduction activate the amygdala, the brain's 
emotional centerespecially under fear and anxietymoveracting the 
prefrontal cortex much faster.

During the first weeks of the hunger strike, while I was at the 
signature collection tent on Leoforos Alexandras Street, a stranger 
approached me; he introduced himself as a left-leaning healthcare worker 
in the area and began telling me that I should end the strike because it 
would cause permanent damage to my health and that it wasn't worth 
ruining myself. Pointing to two young comrades distributing leaflets, he 
accused them of being "fake solidarity activists distributing leaflets 
on full stomachs," saying, "Everyone here is eating well." From the 
moment he approached me until I immediately told him to leave, he 
displayed a vulgarity that involved belittling an entire group and 
playing with the feelings of the young comrades present; his tone was 
designed to instill panic, fear, and suspicion in his interlocutors. 
While this specific case is a rather audacious example, I must say that 
throughout this process, many people approached me questioning whether 
the hunger strike was worth it. I'm sure some of them acted in the best 
of intentions, but judging their intentions is not my purpose here. I 
must reiterate, however, that I am not labeling anyone as an 
intelligence agent - although I do not rule out the possibility that one 
of the dozens of strangers who approached me might be one. But 
regardless of intent, the practice of sowing seeds of suspicion, 
spreading distrust, and slandering has been used throughout history by 
counter-revolutionary forces to divide movements or to pit cadres 
against each other within the same organization or between different 
organizations. The FBI, in its fight against the Black Panther Party 
under COINTELPRO, employed the "Bad-Jacketing" method precisely for this 
purpose.

States and imperialism not only use effective methods to crush 
resistance; they also share, transfer, and develop this experience with 
each other. In the age of technology, artificial intelligence, and 
social media, the manipulation of instincts, emotions, and impulses by 
those in power can now occur on a massive scale, in a targeted manner, 
extremely quickly, and instantly. It may seem a little ridiculous, but I 
experienced this: on some of my social media accounts, videos of 
triglyceride-rich foods being served or consumed ostentatiously started 
appearing frequently. These videos are, of course, already ubiquitous on 
the internet for advertising purposes and weren't produced for me, but 
their appearance on my account, even though I hadn't shown any interest 
in such content, was rather strange. However, I wanted to share this 
specific experience - perhaps it was a coincidence. I want to focus on 
something else that I find more important. There are countless accounts 
on social media; trolls and bots. They belittle important issues, 
devalue struggles, assassinate personalities, fuel disagreements, and 
smear characters, collectives, or various trends through comments, 
replies, and shares. We often dismiss, block, or ignore these messages. 
But they persist in the world of social media, influencing public 
consciousness by activating the reflexes, emotions like fear and 
jealousy, or erotic desires of various social groups. Unfortunately, 
social media is severely damaging the social fabric by spreading sexism, 
the objectification of the female body, misogyny, rape culture, 
jealousy, unattainable dreams, false realities, and fake news on a 
massive and targeted basis - always using instincts, emotions, and 
impulses. However, given the fact that these platforms are used en masse 
by the entire society, engaging with them - in parallel with other forms 
of reaching the public and propaganda activities - is a necessity.

We have already had a shared experience with Panos Routsis[1], one of 
the recent examples of a prisoner who does not fit the classic type 
associated with "unusual actions," through the smear campaign he faced 
during his hunger strike. We saw how various trolls slandered him on 
social media. Similarly, I saw many comments in my case: arbitrarily 
questioning the strike, claiming that I had already exceeded the limits 
of human body endurance to withstand hunger, citing Bobby Sands as an 
example, and generally trying to belittle, devalue, and ridicule the 
struggle. As long as major media outlets remain silent and the necessary 
pressure is not applied to bring the issue to the attention it deserves, 
propaganda mechanisms continue to shape public opinion; so much so that 
by the time the striker's health reaches a critical point, an opinion 
has already been formed in public opinion. The aim is to create 
psychological pressure and exhaustion both on the striker and on the 
solidarity movement.

Politicizing emotions

Those who try to persuade me in good faith do so clearly out of emotion. 
Either from the sorrow they feel at the thought that I will suffer 
permanent harm or lose my life; or from the anger or disgust they feel 
at the thought that my Community is using me and not encouraging me to 
leave. We know that from the combination of emotions arise complex 
feelings such as anxiety, anger, grief, and despair. These feelings can 
influence a person's behavior, motivating them to act to prevent a bad 
situation or, conversely, leading to despair. I will only mention this 
in parentheses: the worst thing in the struggle is despair - that is, 
the loss of faith that the struggle will be conducted correctly, that 
victory will be achieved, the exhaustion of hope. Without hope, there is 
no guarantee of normalcy; no matter how bad things get, as long as there 
is hope, there is a driving force; losing hope brings inertia. A more 
complex social emotion is contempt; whether directed at the Community 
and its demands or at my person. The highest of the complex emotions is 
undoubtedly love - and I want to pause here. Are we sure that what we 
interpret as love is always something positive? Are we sure that we 
don't carry the effects of the world of domination and reproduce it? 
Indeed, don't our own personalities, shaped by patriarchy, the state, 
capitalism, and the system of individualism, harbor different tendencies 
and a host of contradictions? Can someone love without respecting the 
choices of the person they love? I won't go into detail here about the 
series of toxic emotions and behaviors that lead to crimes committed in 
the name of love.

I am certainly not saying this to demonize the instincts, emotions, and 
impulses that are so useful for our very existence. However, it is 
extremely important, first and foremost as social beings and, moreover, 
as revolutionary forces, to learn to control the behaviors that these 
emotions guide us towards; especially when we know that 
counter-revolutionary forces use them for societal control. Emotions are 
largely constructed by the societies in which we grow up, the rules, 
values, and ideologies; some are suppressed or restricted by the powers 
of the time. In any case, emotions define our identity. The better we 
know ourselves, the better we know how we want to live and what our 
goals are; this makes it easier for us to control our impulses according 
to our aims, our political identity, the morality we develop in our 
collective processes, our communities, and our societies.

Power has alwaysand even more intensely during the colonial periodused 
methods to construct the image of colonized or targeted-colonial peoples 
to serve its own interests, to distort their cultural identities, to 
subjugate them, and ultimately to colonize them. The repentance 
declarations in Greece, the electroshock experiments on the mentally ill 
funded by the CIA and later applied to political prisoners and prisoners 
of war... These methods, continuing to be applied to societies 
worldwide, encompass everything from classic forms of torture to social 
media, the spread of drugs, fashion, music, and cinema; everything has 
been transformed or has been transformed into tools and methods for 
individuals and societies to lose their identities.

The construction of social bonds, solidarity structures, 
self-organization, and collectivizationwhich allows individuals to take 
an active role in common endeavors and enables societies to build their 
own institutions based on shared material and spiritual needsis the true 
self-defense of societies against the alienation-inducing assault of the 
state and capitalism. Thus, we will be able to develop self-awareness 
and, as societies, determine our own direction without being alienated 
by the culture of power.

The Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community, in its journey of 
constantly building its collective identity, was able to respond calmly 
to the dilemma of collective identity & self-defense versus 
individualization, at least because it had reached the necessary minimum 
level of self-institutionalization. Within the community, all 
appropriate processes are at work, in which the individual's personality 
is strengthened within the collective social identity, in a whole of 
sincere social relations, moral rules, tolerance and inclusivity. 
Communitarian culture is the catalyst that drives every "I" to decide to 
defend "we". Under these conditions, we decided to join hands to defend 
our collective identity - even if we dance Zalongo[2]together.

What distinguishes initiative from reflex, action from reaction?

Individual initiative is not a momentary flash of panic or a reflex 
under pressure. Ultimately, it is not so individual; it is the product 
of a series of situations and processes that act on the individual 
undertaking it under specific conditions. For example, what sane person 
would risk such an endeavor without being certain that their initiative 
will be strengthened and that all the necessary conditions for a 
positive outcome are present? The motivation, ethical framework, and 
outcome of the initiative ultimately determine whether it is right or wrong.

On Labor Day, I will be on the 86th day of my hunger strike, and as 
these lines are being written, the Attica Region, the Athens 
Municipality, the state and government, and the major media outlets 
controlled by them, are displaying a characteristic indifference to the 
demands of the Community, our just struggle, and my health condition. 
Despite the increased pressure or the silencing of the issue, we 
declared from the very beginning that the hunger strike, which will 
continue until death, will be strengthened by other members of the 
Community. On May 1st, two hunger strikers will step forward hand in 
hand and loudly proclaim the words of August Spies: "One day our silence 
will be more powerful than the voices you are stifling today."

The answer I owe to those who want to change my mind is:

My community, whether you be my friends and comrades, my family, or my 
supporters, how can you convince me otherwise? This decision is not 
merely that of an anarchist dedicated to social movements, consciously 
focused on the goals, means, and risks, weighing the cost and the gain, 
and deeply committed to our collective identityboth in the present 
conditions, as an evolutionary dynamic, and as a proposition against the 
world of individualism. How can an initiative that embodies the 
collective identity of a communitarian way of life, in its entirety and 
the legacy it seeks to leave, be undermined by an individualized 
solution based on the escape of the individual?

I cannot express this more clearly: the conditions under which the 
decision to go on hunger strike was made are these: impending deaths, 
concentration camps, deportations, legal prosecutions, and the uprooting 
of vulnerable social groups, children, and families. All of these will 
be direct consequences of the plan to forcibly empty Prosfygika under 
the guise of a "reorganization." A real Golgotha is approaching for 
these people from diverse social and political backgrounds; moreover, 
each will experience this process alone and will not even find the 
mutual support they would normally offer each other. The vast majority 
of these people are unknown within the solidarity movement; when they 
disperse, no one will follow them, no one will inquire about their fate.

"What does it mean to stop a hunger strike before it reaches its peak? 
What are the costs of stopping any struggle before it reaches its peak?" 
we ask. After all, what is the peak of a struggle if not victory, or at 
least the exhaustion of all efforts expended for victory, or partial but 
satisfying gains toward the goal? What are the consequences of this for 
future hunger strikes? How will society react if the awareness that the 
chosen means of struggle is rendered meaningless by the person who chose 
it is ingrained in the collective subconscious? What kind of argument 
and methodology does such a precedent offer to the arsenal of repressive 
weapons? When we stop our struggles, when we don't make demands, when 
our struggles don't reach their peaks, when we react reflexively to the 
state's actions, when we fail to recognize the right moment to take 
initiative, what legacy do we leave for future struggles and future 
generations?

How can we imagine 200 Kaisariani[3]fighters advancing with such 
determination, raising their fists, with honor in the face of the 
enemy's rifles - if they did not possess this collective spirit, their 
organizational processes in Haidari, their belief that their common 
stance would be forever etched in the minds of the enemy? Those 
photographs surfaced at just the right time: those who resist can walk 
to their deaths upright and proud, with the assurance of victory; even 
though they know they may never live to see it.

To end the hunger strike on my part would demonstrate a lack of serious 
justification and would belittle the strike's demands; whereas we have 
already made it clear that this would mean the destruction of a social 
whole, a social project. It would be a disregard for the Prosfygika 
Community and, by rendering the hunger strike a means meaningless, any 
subsequent hunger strike would leave a bad legacy for future struggles 
and generations.

"Ideas cannot be evicted."

Unfortunately, past defeats have accustomed us to waging battles without 
aiming to win, to surrender before even starting, to making no demands, 
and to fighting at the lowest possible cost, even as gains won with 
rivers of blood are lost.

For many years, after every eviction attempt at occupation and 
self-organization, the slogan "ideas cannot be evicted" has been adopted 
- and indeed it is, it must be, and we must continue to defend it if we 
want to continue to exist. Defending the "idea" means not betraying it, 
not bowing down to it, continuing the struggle. For example, when an 
anarchist defends their "ideas" at every trial, regardless of the cost, 
they also build a material foundation: they armor the "ideas" against 
the mechanisms of prosecution, they revitalize the solidarity movement, 
they spread the "ideas," they inspire new fighters. Anarchist comrades 
Marianna Manoura and Dimitra Zarafeta, who were tried in the Ambelokipi 
case[4], left just such a legacy; they defended their political 
identity, the political identity of the anarchist martyr Kyriakos 
Xymiteris, anarchism and the "idea."

But can an "idea" continue to exist without the material subject that 
carries it, without being rooted in the ground? Do we grasp the 
dialectical relationship between the ground and the "idea"? How long can 
an "idea" continue to exist without being rooted in the ground? When we 
say "ideas cannot be evicted" or when we defend our "ideas," we are 
clearly referring to our collective identity, beliefs, moral principles, 
and values. Ultimately, could all of these have any meaning without the 
material ground in which they manifest? Historically, many tribes 
uprooted by colonialism also lost their "ideas," beliefs, and collective 
identities. Similarly, the modern urban lifestyle displaced the 
traditional rural way of life, excluding communal culture as a 
collective identity. "Ideas" emerge to meet a collective need; a 
collective identity develops, becoming culture, institutions, and 
civilization. Internally displaced people, uprooted from their villages, 
acquired needs shaped by the new living conditions of the city; their 
identities also adapted to these new conditions. In rural life, 
collective labor is a material necessity, solidarity is dictated by 
harsh conditions, and sociality arises from the space itself. Urban 
life, on the other hand, is structured in a way that fosters 
individualism, loneliness, and alienation.

 Fighters who defended their "ideas," identities, beliefs, and values 
in courtrooms continued their struggle both inside and outside the walls.

In the case of Prosfygika, the idea of "Community," while present in the 
minds of some occupiers, was not conceived as a design from the outset. 
What created the community was not an ideology; rather, it was the space 
itself, material needs, and spiritual needs within specific conditions. 
Based on these needs, infrastructure, organizational functioning, 
decision-making mechanisms, and a framework of principles were formed. 
All of this was not static; it developed in a vibrant relationship where 
space, needs, collective identity, self-institutionalization, and 
renewal through critique constantly nourished each other.

Could the idea of a "Community" survive when its foundation was lost, 
when it could no longer collectively defend its most vulnerable members, 
when its members were physically removed and expelled, and when rupture 
and disintegration occurred? How could the "idea" continue to exist when 
its material realization had completely dissolved?

An extreme positivist might say, "What matters is that the experiment is 
successful, therefore the theory is applicable." But besides not seeing 
ourselves as guinea pigs, human relationships develop in communities, 
not subject-object relationships.

The more ground we give to those in power, the more we compromise on our 
gains, the less we resist, the more we will ultimately either lose our 
"ideas" or adapt them to new conditions. There are many historical 
examples of physical defeat being followed by ideological defeat; the 
consequences of past mistakes continue to haunt today's struggles.

Hunger strike: The last weapon in a just and fair struggle for 
legitimate and concrete demands.

A hunger strike is a means of struggle based on a decision to bring an 
issue - a matter of life or death - to the forefront, even at the risk 
of the striker's health and life. To demonstrate to the target audience 
- whether public opinion or a solidarity movement they wish to unite - 
that they are not abusing the means of struggle or recklessly 
blackmailing with their life, it is not enough to merely have general 
and vaguely just demands; the institutions involved must also be clearly 
committing an injustice.

The potential eviction of Prosfygika would violate a number of human 
rights and numerous provisions and articles of Greek, European and 
international legislation:

a) violation of the right to adequate housing, b) violation of the right 
to inviolability of the home, c) violation of the right to a fair trial, 
d) violation of the principle of equality and non-discrimination, e) 
violation of the right to respect for human dignity and personal 
development, f) violation of the right to protection of family and children.

In addition, the interventions suggested by the Region's study alter the 
appearance of buildings registered as contemporary historical and 
cultural heritage monuments by the Ministry of Culture and the Council 
of State.

Under these circumstances, a hunger strike functions as a pressure 
tactic to prevent injustice; it directly confronts institutions with the 
dilemma of either eliminating injustice or bearing the cost of the 
direct loss of human life. Of course, when we speak of institutions, we 
are not referring to something abstract and detached from the central 
system of power civilization, but to very concrete organizations created 
in the form and likeness of the state - the state whose greatest 
ancestor, the structural element of its existence, is injustice. The 
only thing that is certain is this: the state will do everything in its 
power to avoid making any concessions and to force the striker into a 
state of surrender. In recent years, there have been many instances 
where the Greek state has brought hunger strikers to a truly critical 
point, facing the danger of permanent health damage or death. Despite 
the reactions of the solidarity movement - which in some cases was quite 
broad-based - it is risking and playing with the lives of the strikers. 
The state is clear: it will not back down, will not succumb to 
"blackmail," will not bypass necessary institutional procedures, will 
not dismantle institutions, will place the responsibility on the 
striker, will call on the striker to end the strike, and will leave the 
rest to the authority of the doctors and hospital staff.

The cost is linked to the question of whether the state can manage the 
tension and instability that could be triggered by the death of a hunger 
striker, especially when the strike's demands are based on international 
human rights conventions. The decisive role in any potential retreat by 
state institutions will depend on a significant segment of society 
becoming sensitized to the insensitivity of an impending death.

In the case of this hunger strike, despite all the factors that could 
sensitize collective consciousness, including among moderate 
conservatives, and despite the strike having been ongoing for over two 
months, the issue has not yet received sufficient attention from the public.

Since its inception, the hunger strike has been supported by a broad 
base of solidarity. The main propaganda tools have been exhausted so 
far: three marches involving thousands of solidarity supporters from all 
parts of the area; interventions at regional and municipal councils, and 
in the parliamentary courtyard during a meeting of political leaders; 
parliamentary questions from a journalist and political parties; 
interviews in online news sites and newspapers; actions against Greek 
embassies and solidarity actions abroad; visits and statements by 
well-known artists to the Prosfygika neighborhood; international 
solidarity statements ranging from the Zapatistas to Rojava, from the 
USA to Singapore; and actions at concerts and theatrical performances. 
Thousands of signatures have been collected to support the community's 
demands; the support campaign continues daily in Syntagma Square and 
Leoforos Alexandras.

While the opposition movement maintains a constant presence across the 
country through writings, banners, and solidarity actions, in Athens, 
many opposition movements have moved their assemblies to the Prosfygika 
Social Center. Simultaneously, numerous events are being held at 
Prosfygika; cultural and political events take place almost every day.

Apart from the hunger strikes of 11 political prisoners in Türkiye, this 
is the only hunger strike in Greece that has exceeded 80 days. 
Generally, as a long-term hunger strike approaches its 50th day - and in 
many cases much earlier - the striker's health deteriorates 
significantly; this, as the situation becomes clearer, becomes a 
decisive factor in the frequency, participation, creativity, and 
intensity of pressure and solidarity actions.

The strategy of this hunger strike focuses on prolonging the process 
with electrolyte supplementation in order to buy time for the strike's 
demands to be communicated within the solidarity movement and to the 
public. Simultaneously, the aim is to create a timeframe that will allow 
for the necessary pressure to be applied to the responsible 
institutions, but I must point out that this timeframe is not 
guaranteed, nor is there any assurance that the striker's health will 
not deteriorate day by day. With each passing day, the hunger striker 
puts their life at risk.

In my case, according to recent measurements, I have lost more than 20 
kilograms - that's 30 percent of my initial body weight. I experience 
muscle wasting, frequent dizziness, and constant numbness in my lower 
extremities. My blood tests show direct signs of starvation, and I 
continue to be at risk of sudden crises. I also experience orthostatic 
hypotension and tachycardia when I stand up; sleep disturbances are also 
persistent. Beyond the daily symptoms, the serious crises I experience 
include: fainting spells, severe hypoglycemic attacks, and dangerous 
arrhythmias due to electrolyte imbalance.

According to doctors, all of this carries a risk of sudden 
complications, even though I haven't lost my functionality yet. This 
hunger strike method is as new and unknown to me as it is to the vast 
majority of Greeks; therefore, all I can share is my personal experience 
and historical examples.

According to the collective experience of revolutionaries, particularly 
in Türkiye, this strategy allows for much longer survival times compared 
to hunger strikes conducted without any supplemental support. In many 
cases, hunger strikers who follow this strategy suffer permanent damage 
to vital organs; some fall into a coma, suffer strokes 
(Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome), or die after a prolonged hunger marathon. 
There is neither a specific limit nor a clear time interval in these 
cases. Previous health status and medical history, initial body weight, 
the individual's physique, the extent to which they can maintain their 
physical strength, and balanced water and electrolyte intake; as well as 
many unpredictable factors such as possible infections, viruses, and 
arrhythmias, can suddenly cause the hunger striker's health to collapse.

My first contact with a group undertaking this type of hunger strike was 
in 2020, when members of the music group Grup Yorum began a hunger 
strike to protest the mass arrests on charges of "terrorism," attacks on 
cultural centers, and the banning of their concerts, and to demand a 
fair trial. The first to die was Helin Bölek, who continued her hunger 
strike even after her release; she passed away on April 3, 2020. Her 
story shook me and left a deep mark; I'm sure this wasn't just true for 
me. I remember those days; while talking to a comrade, she told me she 
imagined Helin Bölek chained to a rock in the Caucasus, with an eagle 
devouring her intestines for 288 days. Helin Bölek's flame has not been 
extinguished; it continues to illuminate humanity in every corner of the 
earth, in every struggle against injustice.

In his honor, and in memory of all the martyrs of Grup Yorum, the 200 of 
Kaisariani on Labor Day 1944, Tasos Tousis who fell on May 9, 1936, and 
all the martyrs of the May 1936 Thessaloniki uprising[5], the anarchist 
martyrs of Chicago 1886, and all those who lost their lives for 
universal freedom, I would like to dedicate these lines from Aeschylus' 
tragedy Prometheus Bound:

"I already knew this news, and
who brought it to me;
and I consider it an honor that my enemies
torment me as if I were their enemy."

Come on! Let
the double-edged flame of fire descend upon me;
and let the sky shake
with thunder and
the pounding of wild winds.

May their assault
shake the very roots of the earth,
and may the roar of the sea's waves
obscure the paths of the stars in the sky.

And let it hurl my body
into the dark Tartarus, into the vortex
of relentless necessity
!

No matter what he does,
he won't be able to kill me!

"Oh, my revered mother, and oh ether,
oh all-encompassing light,
do you see
how I suffer in injustice?"

Current situation and emerging opportunities

As the systemic crisis deepens and its concrete repercussions manifest 
at the local level, I understand better and better that this hunger 
strike is not limited to demands alone; it is also being conducted in a 
context that is both critically important and presents new opportunities.

 Highlighting the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community as a 
bottom-up model of social self-governance should be a fundamental part 
of this struggle and the effort to support and sustain it.

Don't think I'm suffering from a superiority complex: I believe that 
every attack by the enemy must be turned into a counter-attack. 
Furthermore, I don't separate the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) 
Community from other social self-organization and solidarity structures, 
from free struggle spaces, from occupations, from struggles against 
foreclosure sales, from grassroots unions, from the direct and 
unsupervised struggles of the social base. Much more importantly, I 
don't detach all of this from the communitarian culture ingrained in our 
DNA from the "natural society" era, which manifests itself in every 
social contact, in every instinct of solidarity and mutual aid, in every 
action where the "I" defends the "WE." This culture, these 
organizational structures, are our communes; they are the proposal we 
will offer to the world with the tools we possess and from where we 
stand. Our goal should be their organic connection, coordination, common 
strategy, and dissemination.

To quote Isaac Puente, author of the pamphlet that formed the basis of 
the CNT's libertarian communism, presented at the Zaragoza Congress in 
May 1936: "The new society emerges from the shell of the old. The 
elements of the future society are already present within the existing 
order. These are the trade unions and free communes - old, 
well-established and dynamic popular institutions; structures that 
spontaneously organize and encompass all towns and villages in urban and 
rural areas."

What can we offer to our societies, which have lost all faith in any 
alternative model, if not social self-governance? What can we offer when 
Greek society once again takes to the squares and streets en masse, if 
we do not critically evaluate the experience of the past? The Tempi 
movement[6]showed that the organization of a "MARTYRS" family 
association and the central slogan "JUSTICE" was enough to mobilize and 
unite social forces and dynamics. Ultimately, where is the social 
dynamic that resists and brings about transformation if we cannot see it 
in the struggles that sprouted in the post-Cold War era, especially at 
the dawn of the 21st century? Can we recognize the social dynamic in the 
struggles of peoples against the plunder of their own lands by capital, 
in the squares, in the parks, in the struggles to protect nature, in the 
occupation attempts, and in the internationalist efforts that blossomed 
in Seattle, Genoa, Thessaloniki, in Indymedia, in anti-war rallies, in 
anti-fascist struggles, in social justice struggles? And ultimately, how 
can we transform all this accumulated knowledge into a revolutionary 
proposal without critically addressing issues such as isolationism, the 
disconnect between struggles, elitism, over-reliance on will, and hegemony?

While the European Union is integrating as a community-state with a 
yearning for defense autonomy, NATO has planned a decade-long war 
preparation run against the Russian and Chinese threat from 2020 
onwards. In the unstable geopolitical environment where old war 
technology is being replaced by new weapons channeled to Russia, the 
military model is being restructured, Greek society is rapidly being 
militarized, the Greek state is increasingly actively involved in the 
conflicts of imperialists, Greek army officers are being trained in 
conflict zones and the "ASPIDES" operation[7]is being coordinated, 
direct military intervention does not seem like a distant threat.

The Greek state has transformed the country into a network of detention 
camps facilitating the controlled flow of labor to Europe, migrant 
cemeteries along its sea and land borders, and a large military base and 
energy hub supplying cheap energy to Europe at the expense of rural 
areas. Simultaneously, the country sits at the intersection of two 
competing economic corridors (the Belt and Road Initiative and the 
IMEEC) and is becoming increasingly dependent on the tourism industry. 
Following the damage inflicted on small and medium-sized producers by 
the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), the growing reliance on the 
pharmaceutical industry, monoculture farming, and the devastation caused 
by the so-called green transition, the remaining economic sectors are 
being liquidated through agreements with Mercosur countries.

With the economic crisis deepening due to the conflicts, the IMF began 
to intervene in the Western Balkan countries and Greece; while the 
country was in the process of fully transitioning to a neo-liberal 
model, the Floridis penal code and 8 new prisons were preparing to 
subject society to a new dystopia.

Within this context, and considering a series of scandals and 
allegations heavily impacting the government, the country is heading 
towards an election. The current state of power dynamics and potential 
coalition combinations suggests that the next term is highly likely to 
be one of governmental instability, where no bourgeois-parliamentary 
party can even offer the classic illusion of stability. What is certain 
is that the entire political system can only offer poverty, scandal, 
corruption, repression, the devaluation of human life, and deeper 
involvement in the imperialist war machine.

It seems that Greek society will experience another powerful upheaval in 
the coming period. On the other hand, the reactionary forces, who 
portray themselves as "anti-system," have already made it clear in the 
past that they want to organize and grow.

While the Mitsotakis government appears to be trying to ensure stability 
and an orderly course of events in the upcoming election process, in 
such a fluid and multifaceted deep crisis environment, it is likely that 
comprehensive attacks against the poorest social groups and the 
opposition movement will come to the fore. With the loss of voters in 
the center, the increasing repressive policies are becoming a tool for 
the New Democracy government to attract and consolidate its far-right 
and conservative voter base.

The task of the resistance movement forces is to defend our political 
identity and proposals, to protect the social structure inherent in the 
community, to resist conditions of existential oppression, and to be an 
active part of the social fabric.

While bourgeois parties prepare for the election race, we too must shape 
ourselves on the roads, in resistance, and through the processes of 
struggle. Together, we must demonstrate that an alternative based on 
social self-governance is possible, as opposed to a system of governance 
based on will. The Prosfygika struggle and hunger strike can create a 
common ground where different struggles and lines of resistance can 
intersect. It can also enable self-organized initiatives to come 
together and act in a more coordinated manner.

With a deep belief in societal reflexes, solidarity movements, and the 
righteousness of the struggle, we can win and leave a legacy for the 
arsenal of future struggles.

It is primarily organized forces and solidarity movements that will 
force the state to back down in the face of the price that the death of 
a hunger striker will bring. If a new phase characteristic of an 
Erdogan-type regime has begun, then the state is preparing the public 
for a new dystopiathat is, what those who resist will facethrough the 
"reorganization" of the neighborhood and attacks on the Occupied Refugee 
Homes (Prosfygika) Community. At the same time, it is prepared to 
counter any wave of anger triggered by the death of a hunger striker 
with extreme repression.

In such a situation, I will be the first to carry the coffin on the 
shoulders of those who remain. Without underestimating the opportunities 
I possess as a person who has dedicated my life to and faithfully 
committed myself to social struggle; as someone who has lived longer 
than the children of Prosfygika, more than the younger members of the 
Community, as someone free from any obligations, as a man in my own 
country, and as someone who enjoys all the privileges of being Western, 
I choose to be the first in line. But beyond that, I have a certainty 
that every aim, every dream, and every moment I wish to live will 
continue within the struggles of the collective structures to which I 
belong: the Occupied Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) Community and the 
Confederal Unity Platform. Ultimately, all of these will continue to 
live on in every commune, every structure, every liberated space freed 
from the state, capitalism, and patriarchy. If I am to be the first to 
die, I can say it now, boldly and without hesitation:

The fertilizer of freedom is the first to die!

? A comradely call to the world of solidarity, to everyone we walk 
alongside on this path:

Increasing solidarity actions with the Occupied Refugee Homes 
(Prosfygika) Community.

Strengthening solidarity processes and initiatives with the Occupied 
Refugee Homes (Prosfygika) community and the hunger strike.

Supporting the signature collection points set up daily in Syntagma and 
on Alexandras Street.

? Strength and solidarity to anarchist comrades Marianna Manoura and 
Dimitra Zarafeta, imprisoned by the state.

? Strength and solidarity to the Koukaki Occupation Community

Imprisoning the occupiers is unthinkable.

? I wish a safe and successful voyage to the Kyriakos C and all the 
ships of the Global Sumud Flotilla, which are paving the way for free 
people to break the Palestinian blockade.

Your compasses are showing us the path of resistance.

? Victory in the fight for justice for Vasileios Maggos, who lost his 
life as a result of state oppression.

? Our ever-unifying anarchist comrade Kyriakos Xymitiris is immortal, he 
is with us in every struggle.

The demands of this hunger strike are as follows:

The Attica region should immediately cancel the agreement.
All residents of the Refugee Housing (Prosfygika) are to continue to 
live in their current homes, places, and regions to which they are 
connected by social, cultural, and organic ties.
The urban non-profit organization, "Katoikoi Kai Filoi Prosfygikon L. 
Alexandras AMKE" (Residents and Friends of Alexandras Avenue 
Prosfygika), must provide concrete guarantees that it will renovate the 
Refugee Housing with its own funding! - Not a single public penny should 
be spent on the "renovation" of the Refugee Housing!
We will either win or we will win.

Aristotelis Chantzis
Leoforos Alexandras, resident and member of the Prosfygika Occupation 
Community,
has been on hunger strike since 5/2/26 until
30/4/26.

[1]Panos Routsis lost his 22-year-old son Denis in the Tempi train 
accident in Greece in 2023, in which 57 people lost their lives; he went 
on a hunger strike demanding justice and a transparent investigation.

[2]Zalongo Resistance: In the resistance against the Ottoman Empire in 
1803, women and children in the Souli region, besieged by Ali Pasha's 
forces, ended their lives by jumping off a cliff rather than being taken 
prisoner.

[3]On May 1, 1944, 200 communist prisoners were shot dead by the Nazis 
at the Kaisariani Shooting Range in Athens. The prisoners had previously 
been held in the Haidari Camp, which is known for its severe torture.

[4]Ambelokipi Case: In the case opened following an explosion in 
Ambelokipi where the anarchist Kyriakos Xymitiris was martyred, two 
female anarchists were sentenced to imprisonment.

[5]The general strike started by Thessaloniki tobacco workers in 1936 is 
one of the major labor movements in the country's history. The bloody 
attacks that suppressed the strike also paved the way for the 
dictatorship period.

[6]The Tempi movement is a major justice movement in which various 
groups come together to demand the prosecution of high-ranking officials 
in particular, against the series of state negligences that came to 
light in the major train accident that occurred in 2023.

[7]ASPIDES is an operation conducted by the EU in the Red Sea to protect 
EU ships and secure commercial traffic against the Houthis.

Aristotelis Hantzis  Greece

https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2026/05/16/fikirler-tahliye-edilemez-aristotelis-hantzis/
_________________________________________
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