A-Infos (en) Brazil, OSL, Libera #183 - Kropotkin and the Anarchist Strategies: Educationism, Insurrectionalism, and Revolutionary Syndicalism - Felipe Corrêa II. (2/2) (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

In 1914, he would write to Luigi Bertoni:

My opinion is exactly that expressed by Malatesta in Volontà on February 
7, 1914, and with which you agree. The trade union is absolutely 
necessary. It is the only form of workers' association that allows the 
direct struggle against capital to be carried out without submerging 
into parliamentarism. 18 (apud Nettlau, 1996, p. 280).

In other words, for Kropotkin, from this distinct perspective, trade 
unions are the only groups of workers capable of uniting the masses to 
fight capitalism and the State without succumbing to social-democratic 
reformism. Anarchists (preferably organized in specific groups) 
participate in the construction of trade unions and, through their 
growing influence, promote a trade union line that includes: direct 
action by the masses, class independence, democratic (federalist, 
self-management) leadership of the rank and file, and a revolutionary 
perspective. Anarchist practice and trade union action are, in 
themselves, forms of propaganda that, together with spoken and written 
propaganda, contribute to the dissemination of this anarchist and trade 
unionist ideology, and to the growth of this transformative movement.

This notion, typically linked to mass syndicalist anarchism, is further 
reinforced by the possibilist positions (favorable to short-term 
struggles for reforms) that Kropotkin expressed on certain occasions. In 
1906, in the article "Syndicalisme et Parlamentarisme"[Trade Unionism 
and Parliamentarism], he recognized the importance of struggles for 
better working conditions such as: "better pay, reduced working hours, 
healthier factories, less dangerous machines, etc." (Kropotkin, 2014m, 
p. 384)

As can be seen, depending on the focus (temporal, of the writings 
discussed, etc.), it is possible to associate Kropotkin more with 
insurrectionary perspectives or with mass perspectives. And Cahm notes 
this very well in the conclusion of his book:

While Kropotkin emphasized the role of heroic minorities in preparing 
for the revolution and[...]clearly foresaw the involvement of anarchists 
in acts of terrorism, he was equally concerned with the idea of the 
Strike International to develop the direct struggle of the masses 
against capital.[...]In fact, he never concerned himself narrowly or 
uncritically with terrorist or syndicalist tactics, but appreciated the 
value of both. (Cahm, 1989, pp. 276, 280)



It is true that this conclusion refers only to the period from 1872 to 
1886; for more precise conclusions about the later period, it would be 
necessary to undertake a continuation of this study begun by her, based 
on the writings from 1887 to 1921.

In any case, the core of the argument seems well-placed to me. 
Throughout Kropotkin's nearly 50 years of anarchism, he defended 
different positions. While there is more homogeneity in his 
philosophical and theoretical positions, there are more pluralistic 
positions in the organizational debate and in his relations with the 
historical currents of insurrectionary anarchism and mass anarchism. The 
explanatory hypotheses for this have been pointed out previously: 
perhaps due to Kropotkin's position as a journalist of the "movement," 
perhaps due to a belief in a heterogeneity of strategies and tactics; 
perhaps due to both.

And if it is true that it cannot be completely dissociated from 
"propaganda by deed," it is also not possible to do so with 
revolutionary syndicalism, as in the case of René Berthier (2018, p. 
12), who claims to see only "distortions made to Kropotkin's thought for 
the sole purpose of proving that he was a revolutionary syndicalist 
thinker."

Kropotkin cannot truly be considered merely a revolutionary syndicalist 
thinker, but, as I intend to show below, it seems undeniable that he 
held, at different times in his life, particularly between 1881 and 
1912, positions quite closely linked to revolutionary syndicalism.

Kropotkin and Revolutionary Syndicalism (1881-1912)

Between 1881 and 1912, Kropotkin discussed and defended revolutionary 
syndicalism on several occasions. However, before presenting and 
analyzing his positions on this matter, it is necessary to briefly 
introduce some conceptual elements.

Syndicalism: Revolutionary Syndicalism and Anarcho-syndicalism

When studying the history of the trade union movement globally, it 
becomes clear that, starting in the 1870s, an innovative and 
revolutionary form of trade unionism emerged within the International 
Workingmen's Association (IWA).

According to Van der Walt (2019a, pp. 253-254), in theoretical terms, it 
is expressed in the work of Bakunin, during his anarchist and 
internationalist period, still in the late 1860s; in practical terms, it 
begins with the Federación Regional Española[Spanish Regional 
Federation](FRE), a trade union organization founded in 1870 in Spain 
and linked to the "First International," which a few years after its 
founding reached 60,000 members. This trade union tradition developed 
throughout the 1870s and 1880s, in the writings of various authors and 
in trade unions in different countries, including Latin America. 19

In other words, when the CGT was founded in 1895, there was already a 
tradition, in terms of thought and action, of this form of trade 
unionism that it would practice until the First World War. The CGT was 
important not only for its praxis in France, and for becoming a trade 
union reference for the European and Spanish-Portuguese-speaking world, 
but also for widely disseminating the term "syndicalisme 
révolutionnaire"[revolutionary trade unionism], to express its trade 
union conceptions and practices. The adjective "révolutionnaire" was 
necessary in French, insofar as the term "syndicalisme," as in 
Portuguese, referred to trade unionism in general, encompassing 
revolutionary trade unionism and anarcho-syndicalism, but also forms of 
employer-led, yellow, reformist, corporatist trade unionism, etc.

However, when one observes the Anglophone world, the issue is different. 
In English, the term "syndicalism," used since the beginning of the 20th 
century, is derived from the French "syndicalisme révolutionnaire"; it 
is therefore a synonym for "revolutionary unionism" (English) and is 
distinct from the broader terms "unionism" (English), "syndicalisme" 
(French), and "sindicalismo" (Portuguese).

Therefore, the theoretical and practical experience of revolutionary 
syndicalism preceded, by several decades, not only the French CGT, but 
also the invention of the terms "syndicalisme révolutionnaire" (French) 
and "syndicalism" (English).

This tradition of thought and action, which began in the late 1860s, 
consolidated in the 1870s and 1880s, and came to be expressed in the 
aforementioned terms between 1890 and 1900, has continued since then. 
Great examples of this syndicalist tradition include, in addition to the 
CGT, the aforementioned Trade Union International, founded in Berlin, 
Germany, at the turn of 1922 to 1923, and countless other experiences 
throughout the world during the 20th century, and even into the 
beginning of the 21st century.[20]

It should also be noted that the term "anarcho-syndicalism" is later 
than "syndicalism," having spread since the 1920s and gained prominence 
with the National Confederation of Workers (CNT), a protagonist of the 
Spanish Revolution (1936-1939). Even so, depending on how 
anarcho-syndicalism is conceptualized, it is also possible to find 
historical experiences prior to the invention and dissemination of the 
term itself. Since the emergence of the term "anarcho-syndicalism," 
there have been numerous efforts to conceptualize revolutionary 
syndicalism and anarcho-syndicalism - in some cases, the difference 
between these two forms of syndicalism is emphasized; in others, it is 
stated that they are practically synonymous - and, in the Anglophone 
world, there is a tendency to encompass both with the concept of 
"syndicalism."[21]

Because there is no synonym in Portuguese for "syndicalism"-since, in 
Brazil, we do not rigorously differentiate between "sindicalismo" and 
"unionismo," and we refer to all forms of unionism under this term-we 
have proposed, on numerous occasions, expressions such as "revolutionary 
form of unionism" or "revolutionary-intentioned unionism" to refer to 
this "syndicalism," which encompasses both revolutionary unionism and 
anarcho-syndicalism. (See, for example: Santos e Silva, 2018; Corrêa, 
2018; Van der Walt, 2019b)

This syndicalism , a revolutionary form of trade unionism, can be 
defined as follows:

Trade unionism focuses on the claim that trade unions - built through 
daily struggles, radically democratic practices, and popular education - 
constitute an irreplaceable force for defending and extending the gains 
and rights of the working class and are crucial levers for social 
revolution. Direct action, solidarity, self-activity, and the 
development of technical and political knowledge are means to enable the 
accumulation of individual and organizational forces for a revolutionary 
general strike[...], in which workers occupy their workplaces, take 
control of the means of production, and build a free socialist order 
based on self-management, participatory planning linked to assemblies 
and councils, and production geared towards need and not profit or the 
power of a dominant minority. (Van der Walt, 2019a, p. 249)

Syndicalism - and therefore revolutionary syndicalism and 
anarcho-syndicalism - constitutes a form of syndicalism that emerged 
within the International Workingmen 's Association (IWA) and 
subsequently spread throughout the world.

This is a trade union strategy for class struggle, which involves the 
organization of workers by workplace, but not exclusively, and which 
operates independently of parties, ruling classes, the State, etc. Under 
this strategy, unions operate through direct action, with workers acting 
in their own favor, and through the practical exercise of 
self-management and federalism, building struggles with grassroots 
leadership, in broadly democratic ("bottom-up") processes.

These unions focus on struggles for economic rights (and, in certain 
cases, political, not electoral, demands directed at the State) and aim 
for a social revolution, in which the protagonism of the masses is 
essential, capable of replacing capitalist society with a free and 
egalitarian society. The revolutionary class culture - which encourages 
solidarity, collective struggle, transformative goals, internationalism, 
anti-militarism, etc. - as well as the pedagogy of these struggles, 
which teaches and educates workers in practice and complements 
educational efforts in general, contribute to the necessary 
radicalization of workers for the revolution and the new society.

* * *

When I argue in this text that Kropotkin discussed and defended 
"revolutionary syndicalism," I am referring to this syndicalism that 
emerged within the International, spread throughout the world with other 
experiences, including the French CGT, and is not always called by those 
names.

The texts cited below were originally written in French and English, and 
in them Kropotkin uses different terms to refer to trade unionism. He 
uses more neutral terms such as "syndicalisme" (French) and 
"trade-unionism" (English). (Kropotkin, 1907, p. 2; 2014l, p. 373) And 
also adjectival terms, as in the case of "revolutionary unionism" 
(English), or when he acknowledges that the "syndicat" can become 
"révolutionnaire" (French). (Kropotkin, 2014r, p. 407; 1907, p. 2) 
Finally, he also resorts to "syndicalism" when writing in English. (See, 
for example, the numerous mentions in: Kropotkin, 2014r 22 )

Referring to this form of trade unionism, in 1912, in the article 
"Syndicalism and Anarchism," Kropotkin defined it as "the direct 
struggle of labor against capital in the economic field." (Kropotkin, 
2014r, p. 403) Also in 1907, in a letter to the trade unionist newspaper 
The Voice of Labour , he defined it as "the free organization of labor, 
independent of all parliamentary parties, aiming at the direct solution 
- by the workers themselves and through their unions - of the immense 
social problem." (Kropotkin, 2014n, p. 387)

For Kropotkin, this trade unionism has " two most important principles." 
The first, "direct action," is linked precisely to the aforementioned 
direct struggle and direct solution, and implies the self-organization 
of workers, by themselves and for themselves, in order to promote class 
struggle in the economic field. The second, the "new forms of social 
life based on the federation of trade unions," relates to a 
prefigurative perspective of trade union struggle, which simultaneously 
builds and leads the daily struggle through grassroots and highly 
democratic organizations, and makes these organizations the embryos of 
the future post-revolutionary society. (Kropotkin, 2014r, p. 405) 
Further on, it will be possible to understand in greater detail these 
and other aspects of the revolutionary trade unionism advocated by 
Kropotkin.

It is important to note that, for him, this syndicalism originated in 
the International Workingmen's Association (IWA), which he characterizes 
as "a great trade union movement."

(Kropotkin, 1907, p. 2) Furthermore, he considers that both of the 
aforementioned principles of revolutionary syndicalism (direct action 
and prefiguration) "were, from the beginning, the guiding principles of 
the International Workingmen's Association." (Kropotkin, 2014r, p. 405) 
This Association was formed by French mutualists (disciples of 
Pierre-Joseph Proudhon) and English trade unionists (followers of Robert 
Owen) and, shortly after its founding period (1864-1866), adopted 
revolutionary syndicalist strategies, hegemonic at least until 1871. 
(Kropotkin, 1987, p. 27; 2014v, p. 207; 1964, p. 103)

Kropotkin acknowledged the previously described movement, according to 
which a new form of syndicalism emerged within the International 
Workingmen's Association (IWA), expressing itself in ideas, practices, 
thoughts, and actions. He also admitted that anarchists played a very 
important role in this process. (Kropotkin, 1987, pp. 27-29; 1964, p. 
136) He explained that the syndicalist initiatives that continued from 
then on in different locations - including that of the French CGT, from 
1895 onwards, and whose influence was significant for him - had as their 
origin and historical reference the "First International," and that, not 
infrequently, they developed new terms to refer to internationalist 
conceptions and practices. (Kropotkin, 2014r, pp. 405, 411; 2014u, pp. 
466-467; Nettlau, 1996, p. 279)

Fundamental Aspects of Kropotkin's Revolutionary Syndicalism

In broad terms, the revolutionary syndicalist strategy advocated by 
Kropotkin calls for the construction of massive and strong unions, 
encompassing all sectors of the working class, for the immediate 
economic struggle against capitalist exploitation. In this struggle - 
which, according to Kropotkin, must be carried out from a conception of 
federalism, direct action, and prefiguration - it is possible not only 
to radicalize the subjects involved, but also to advance the struggle 
towards a revolutionary perspective, a radical political transformation 
of society. The unions are capable of leading this transformation and 
assuming the functions in the new socialist society, without a state and 
without social classes. These positions will be discussed in more detail 
below.

In analyzing class struggle in society, Kropotkin readily observes that, 
despite being the majority, workers (laborers and peasants) have been 
subjected to the will of a powerful capitalist minority. Therefore, to 
empower these oppressed people, it is essential to promote their 
organization.

As he argues: "We must organize the forces of the workers[...]to 
transform them into a formidable machine for fighting against capital " 
(Kropotkin, 2014a, p. 294); into an "organization that puts all its 
forces into crushing capitalist feudalism" (Kropotkin, 2014b, p. 300). 
And the organization capable of achieving this goal is the trade union , 
not the party. " Nothing can tip the scales in their[the workers']favor 
except enormous trade unions, encompassing millions of proletarians 
against the exploiters." (Kropotkin, 2014e, p. 318; See also: Kropotkin, 
2014a, p. 294)

In other words, it is the trade union organization that is best 
positioned to maximize the workers' influence in the class struggle 
against exploitation. It is the organization that allows the 
transformation of workers' capacity for achievement into a concrete 
social force capable not only of influencing the power dynamics of 
social reality, but also of seeking and guaranteeing the victory of the 
workers.

Kropotkin (2014u, p. 469) understands that such organizational effort 
can occur both through the formation of new unions and through 
participation in already existing trade union organizations. And that it 
is necessary to address the organization not only of one or another 
sector of the working class, but of the class as a whole, encompassing, 
as much as possible, all the exploited, dominated, and oppressed. Thus, 
both workers and peasants - and even socially marginalized sectors - 
must find opportunities to organize themselves into "workers' and 
peasants' unions".

Therefore, Kropotkin does not hold certain positions that were 
disseminated by currents of historical Marxism. Notably, those that 
consider only the urban-industrial proletariat to be the subject 
destined to make the revolution, thanks to its position in society, or 
those that consider the peasantry and the "lumpen" to be essentially 
conservative or reactionary classes. For him, the revolutionary capacity 
of a class is related not only to the social position of its members, 
but also to its trajectory; thus, organization and class struggle become 
determining factors.

However, this does not mean turning the centrality of the 
urban-industrial proletariat upside down and defending, as a 
counterpoint, the centrality of the peasantry or the marginalized. 
Kropotkin (2014d, p. 315) recognizes that, for the success of strikes 
and other protest movements, as well as for larger-scale 
transformations, the most important sectors of a society's economy need 
to be involved.

Therefore, it is essential that all workers - from the city and the 
countryside, salaried or not - who recognize their subordinate condition 
and agree to confront the dominant classes through socio-economic 
conflict, be part of these workers' and peasants' unions. This involves 
an emphasis on the economy and has two ramifications.

First, the need for a struggle that takes place primarily in the 
economic field: "Since the great struggle for which we are preparing is 
essentially an economic struggle , it is in the economic field that our 
agitation must take place." (Kropotkin, 2014c, p. 306) If, ultimately, 
the class struggle needs to point towards a social revolution that puts 
an end to capitalism, the dispute (via reform or revolution) over the 
state apparatus, restricted to the political field, is insufficient.

Secondly, Kropotkin (2014k, p. 360) considers that, while economic 
criteria unite workers around common class conditions and interests for 
a unified struggle against exploitation, political and/or ideological 
criteria, which include the partisan nature of union activism, distance 
and separate them from one another. This "struggle between labor and 
capital[...]demands that workers present the capitalist with a compact 
mass - united, and not subdivided by their political opinions".

This is why this trade unionism needs to embrace a genuine class 
independence from political parties.

The demands of the daily battle between worker and boss, the thousands 
of confrontations in this hidden struggle that workers must wage in 
every workshop, in every factory, in every mine, are so visible that 
there can be no doubt whatsoever about the need for workers' unions 
completely independent of political parties, socialist or otherwise. 
(Kropotkin, 2014m, p. 386)

Independence, as pointed out, must be asserted, including in relation to 
left-wing political parties. The historical experiences of social 
democracy and communism markedly demonstrate the nature of these 
parties' relationship with trade unions and the labor and peasant 
movements in general. Subordination of their structures and struggles to 
the political-partisan interests of conquering and/or maintaining state 
power; hierarchy and substitution of parties in relation to movements. 
And the historical consequences of this relationship were projects that 
made very little progress in reforms and, on different occasions, in 
fact became counter-revolutionary forces.

For Kropotkin, maintaining this position does not mean defending 
economism or discarding political struggle. This struggle in the field 
of labor - through which workers and peasants directly confront bosses 
and landowners against exploitation - stands as the only alternative to 
struggles for the reformist or revolutionary conquest of the State 
(social democracy or communism).

This is the only field from which a revolutionary process capable of 
leading to socialist anarchy can begin and develop. Economic struggles 
(which can be demands or strikes in workplaces, sabotage or "economic 
terrorism," all of which, at some point, were advocated by Kropotkin) 
are forms of direct action and can become political. This occurs to the 
extent that the struggles extend beyond the category or workplace in 
which they began, expand to other sectors, involve residential areas, 
become radicalized, and advance in a revolutionary direction, aiming at 
the end of capitalism and the destruction of the State, that is, at the 
economic (of property) and political (of power) socialization and the 
end of social classes.

Such struggles become political because they promote a systemic 
confrontation with domination in general and with the ruling classes in 
particular, and because, by truly challenging capitalism, they also 
challenge the State, since the State is part of the capitalist system 
when taken in its broadest sense. (Kropotkin, 2014c, p. 306)

This movement of radicalization and gaining strength is not only 
possible, but necessary in Kropotkin's political project. Immediate 
economic struggles need to advance towards a revolutionary political 
transformation; partial gains must be converted into a lasting victory, 
in which the workers, through their trade union and community 
organizations, impose their will on the ruling classes. Kropotkin offers 
more details about these two moments in the class struggle.

As mentioned, he advocates for the daily promotion of struggles aimed at 
immediate economic gains. He argues that unions must "build a force 
capable of imposing better working conditions on employers." And, with 
this, guarantee gains such as "better pay, reduced working hours, 
healthier factories, less dangerous machines, etc." (Kropotkin, 2014m, 
pp. 384-385). To achieve such demands, he considers essential daily and 
permanent work, present in "repeated acts of war, undertaken daily and 
at every opportunity to prepare for the decisive battle and victory." 
(Kropotkin, 2014c, p. 306) He claims: "We must unite workers from all 
sectors under this single purpose: 'War against capitalist 
exploitation!' And we must pursue this war relentlessly, day by day, 
through strikes, agitation, by all revolutionary means ." It is this 
practice that will allow workers to develop and deepen their own 
program. (Kropotkin, 2014a, p. 294)

An important tool for the daily exercise of class struggle is the 
strike. Kropotkin (2014c, pp. 308-310) writes that the strike is a 
"weapon that workers wield in different contexts, wherever they are," 
and that "it can be used at any time, according to the circumstances." 
This form of collective resistance pressures employers to accept 
workers' demands and, at the same time, fulfills a pedagogical role, 
insofar as it stimulates solidarity and organization within unions. "Far 
from developing selfish instincts, the strike serves to develop the 
sense of solidarity that emerges from the very heart of the 
organization." Furthermore, "resistance and strikes are excellent means 
by which workers can organize themselves" and strengthen their 
self-organizing capacity, because it cannot be forgotten that "the mass 
of workers must organize themselves."

Kropotkin also argues, as mentioned, for a permanent radicalization and 
gain in strength, allowing the movement to overcome immediate economic 
demands and pursue a revolutionary political transformation.

The goal of the revolution is the expropriation of those who hold the 
wealth of society, and it is against these owners that we must organize. 
We must unite all our efforts toward creating a vast workers' 
organization to pursue this goal. Organizing resistance and war against 
capital must be the primary objective of the workers' organization, and 
its methods must be informed not by the senseless struggles of bourgeois 
politics, but by the struggle, by all possible means, against those who 
currently hold the wealth of society - and the strike is an excellent 
means of organization and one of the most powerful tools in the 
struggle. (Kropotkin, 2014c, p. 311)

If the movement makes small gains its goal, abandoning this 
revolutionary perspective, it will have succumbed to reformism and will 
not achieve the aforementioned ultimate objectives. The challenge, 
therefore, is to build "a trade union movement not only interested in 
wage increases and reduced working hours, but inspired by the great idea 
of getting rid of the parasites and taking possession of their works." 
(Kropotkin, 2014j, p. 356) That is, to promote this revolutionary and 
socialist finalism. "It is important that everyone at the head of the 
movement is clear about what the ultimate goal of the organization is." 
Trade unions need to build "a powerful force that, on the day of the 
revolution, will impose its will on exploiters of all kinds." 
(Kropotkin, 2014c, pp. 303, 306)

For this progress, it is very important to guarantee geographical 
growth, articulated from the bottom up, through federalism:

Professional sections, federations encompassing all workers of the same 
profession, federations of all professions in the same locality, in a 
region, and combat groups independent of professions, but, above all, 
socialist - this is how they[the Spanish trade unionists faithful to the 
anarchist traditions of the International]constitute the structures of 
the revolutionary army. (Kropotkin, 2014b, p. 299)

And to reinforce this struggle through tools such as the general strike, 
street fighting, and the force of arms. Kropotkin (2014, p. 395) 
emphasizes that "the strike was a wonderful lesson in many respects. It 
demonstrated to us the practical possibility of a general strike." The 
general strike involves a widespread work stoppage in a locality and 
mobilizes a significant force of workers in confronting employers. While 
it is true that it is not and does not replace social revolution, it 
cannot be denied that it constitutes an important step towards its 
approximation; the general strike has the potential to radicalize the 
trade union movement, stimulate other combative initiatives, and create 
conditions for more advanced insurrections and struggles.

The strength of economic demands, partial strikes, and general strikes 
for the revolutionary project increases insofar as they can be combined 
with street fighting, barricades, and armed actions. Kropotkin believes 
in the need for prolonged grassroots work and in reconciling mass 
struggles with more advanced forms of combat; and, with this, he rejects 
spontaneity and insurrectionism.

He argues that "barricades must be prepared through prolonged activity 
within the masses, sometimes for years." Thus, the most intense 
conflicts and trenches of struggle are not led by heroic individuals, 
small vanguard groups, or militants detached from the grassroots; they 
must express prolonged prior work with significant mass involvement. It 
is necessary to bear in mind that " without a rebellious people there 
are no barricades ," and that revolutionaries need to "become the people 
within the people ." The same applies when it comes to linking trade 
unions to different forms of armed conflict: armed struggles and mass 
struggles are inseparable. "Without the masses there are no barricades! 
Without the masses there is no armed struggle!" (Kropotkin, 2014f, p. 324)

This radicalization and advancement need to be constantly encouraged by 
socialist revolutionaries (including anarchists) in trade unions. But 
that's not all. The way this is done in daily organizational life, the 
means that are strengthened and encouraged, are completely linked to the 
ends that will or will not be achieved; it is these means that will 
indicate whether or not the previously stated final objective will be 
realized. "The proposed means of action" must be "in accordance with the 
proposed objectives." (Kropotkin, 2014c, p. 304)

As indicated, Kropotkin (2014r, p. 405) understands that there are two 
most important principles in the construction of these means: direct 
action and prefigurative perspective. Both are central to building an 
appropriate trade union line.

For him, the "direct action of workers' organizations," of the masses, 
is essential; that is, "the idea requires direct action through their 
own unions." (Kropotkin, 2014n, pp. 387-388) This demands a trade 
unionism based on the "self-organization of workers," which does not 
grant organizational and action-oriented leadership to others (ruling 
classes, supposedly enlightened vanguards, orthodox political parties, 
elected politicians, etc.); a trade unionism that provides conditions 
for organization and stimulates the struggle of workers, for themselves 
and by themselves. (Kropotkin, 2014u, p. 467) This applies both to the 
pursuit of immediate economic gains and to the pursuit of revolutionary 
political transformation.

At the same time, prefiguration is essential, which implies "promoting 
among the masses the ideas that we consider to be the basis of future 
development" (Kropotkin, 2014h, p. 344). This means that those elements 
linked to democratic, federalist, and self-managed protagonism - 
voluntary association, grassroots decisions, bottom-up articulation, 
permanent struggle against centralism and bureaucratization - all of 
which are essential in a federalist and self-managed society (socialist, 
stateless, and classless), must also guide the trade union practice of 
organization and struggle.

This practical exercise of federalism and self-management in union 
organization and struggles builds the future in the present, produces 
the agents of change; it is, in short, a substantial means by which the 
intended ends can be achieved. Note that, for Kropotkin, this does not 
imply constructing a utopian reality to isolate this initiative and the 
people who are part of it from society. Rather, it implies producing a 
class culture capable of strategically pointing towards the intended 
objective: the transformation of this society towards the socialization 
of property and power.

As also mentioned, Kropotkin (2014u, pp. 467, 469) emphasizes that trade 
unions have an important function in this movement of revolution and 
socialization. After all, they are not only "powerful means of preparing 
the social revolution," but also "cells for the future social order." 
"Workers' unions are not only 'a revolutionary power' in present 
society, but 'a force for the future organization' of society."

They play an important role in the expropriation of the ruling classes: 
"trade union organizations could take possession of the docks, railways, 
mines, factories, land, and businesses, and manage them no longer for 
the interest of a few capitalists, but for society as a whole." 
(Kropotkin, 2014r, p. 407) To this end, it is essential, from the 
present, "to create trade union structures among the working classes 
that can one day replace the bosses and take into their own hands the 
production and management of all industry." (Kropotkin, 2014m, p. 385) 
For this reason, trade unions are the most suitable organizations to 
assume the self-management of production in a post-revolutionary moment, 
but not only of production. According to the position of certain 
European anarchists and workers:

In the first effort to establish the future order - whether in villages, 
among the peasantry, in a city or province that proclaims the commune - 
the organization of life and production, under communist principles, 
will be the responsibility of the workers' unions, and only they can 
carry out the enormous task of rebuilding industry for the interests of 
the whole society. (Kropotkin, 2014u, p. 467)

Trade unions, therefore, serve not only for resistance and struggle in 
present-day society. They also have a role in transforming this society 
and building a new one. Thus, they do not disappear with the social 
revolution and become central to the reconstruction period.

Anarchists, the masses, and trade unions

Anarchism will only play a relevant role in society if it manages to 
penetrate widely into the world of workers and become a huge mass 
movement. For Kropotkin (2014h, p. 345), "it is only in the great 
working masses[...]that our ideas will reach their full development." 
And to guarantee this influence over the masses, Kropotkin (2014f, p. 
325) argues that the insurrectionary efforts frequently carried out by 
anarchists are insufficient. He considers that the people are no longer 
"demanding isolated action, but men of action in their ranks ," men 
whose task is not to replace the workers or to carry out heroic or 
adventurous acts detached from the grassroots, but to help the masses 
"advance and take the few steps that separate them from the revolution." 
This position motivated Kropotkin to make five major recommendations to 
anarchist militancy.

First, anarchists cannot isolate themselves from the working masses; it 
is essential that they are permanently with the people, that they live 
and act with them. "The masses must know who we are, and anarchists must 
have the courage to engage" in their struggles. Without this intimate 
relationship with the popular universe, anarchism simply loses its 
purpose, its reason for being. (Kropotkin, 2014f, p. 323)

Secondly, this engagement in workers' struggles requires anarchists to 
participate in the labor and trade union movement, since it is in these 
spaces that the organizational and combative efforts of the masses take 
place. From this engagement, it becomes relevant to "make anarchist 
ideas penetrate the great labor movement" and "introduce anarchist ideas 
into labor unions." (Kropotkin, 2014h, p. 344; 2014i, p. 347)

Third, it is essential to find a suitable term for the relationship 
between anarchism and the labor-trade union movement. First of all, one 
must "be in the movement, but still always remain ourselves ." That is, 
the labor movement and trade unionism, even in their revolutionary and 
libertarian forms, cannot and should not replace anarchism; they must 
count on the participation and influence of anarchists.

Fourth, it is not enough to be among the workers, in the labor movement, 
in the unions; it is essential to be there with a purpose, an objective, 
a line to follow. And that line is the strategy of revolutionary 
syndicalism , as outlined earlier. Anarchists must "bring[these]ideas of 
ours to the movement, spread them, by all means, among the masses"; they 
must contribute to "awakening in the workers and peasants an 
understanding of their own power ," and to getting them involved in 
economic and political struggles. (Kropotkin, 2014h, p. 344; 2014u, p. 
468, my emphasis)

Fifth, it is crucial to know how to promote this strategic line among 
the workers. It must be borne in mind that this mobilization of the 
masses is something that "requires a great deal of grassroots work, to 
be done in advance," something that demands effort, time, and 
regularity. (Kropotkin, 2014f, p. 323) And that it needs to be done by 
those means, and only by those means, that are in strict accordance with 
our principles - without any concession to the current authoritarian or 
narrow tendencies of the movement[...], without making any of those 
concessions that often seem convenient, but which, in the long run, 
always prove to be an abandonment of true principles in favor of a mere 
shadow of momentary success. (Kropotkin, 2014h, p. 344)

While strategy and, especially, tactics can have some flexibility, 
principles cannot. They cannot be abandoned in favor of a pragmatism 
that removes the movement's transformative capacity.

Finally, it is essential that the relationship of anarchists with the 
masses, their movements, their unions, be anti-authoritarian and 
libertarian. On the one hand, anarchists need to guarantee the 
"ascendancy that our ideas will have in the movement(s)"; they must 
assert their influence in the organization, growth, and radicalization 
of these movements, so that they move in this desired direction. On the 
other hand, anarchists need to do this within certain ethical and 
political assumptions; they must not "join this struggle for supremacy. 
We cannot, we must not nurture ideas such as that of taking possession 
of the movement(s)." This is because these mass movements cannot be 
dominated, controlled, subordinated, or alienated. They must have their 
status as true protagonists of popular achievements ensured, whether 
they are reforms or even revolutions. (Kropotkin, 2014h, p. 344)

BIBLIOGRAPHIC REFERENCES

ANTONIOLI, Maurizio (org.). The International Anarchist Congress: 
Amsterdam (1907). Edmonton: Black Cat, 2009.

BALDWIN, Roger N. "Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamplets: The significance 
of Kropotkin's life and teachings". In: BALDWIN, Roger N. (org.). 
Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamplets: A Collection of Writings by Peter 
Kropotkin . New York: Dover Publications, 1970.

BERTHIER, René. Kropotkine et la Naissance de l'Anarchisme: Une 
tentative d'approche scientifique de l'anarchisme. In: Monde Nouveau, 
2007.[http://monde-nouveau.net/spip.php?article179]

_____. Kropotkine & la Grande Guerre: les anarchistes, la CGT et la 
social-democratie face à la guerre . Paris: Monde Libertaire, 2014.

_____. Social-Democracy & Anarchism in the International Workers' 
Association, 1864-1877 . London: Anarres, 2015.

_____. Commentaries on Black Flame and diverse authors. Réflexions sur 
l'anarchisme et le syndicalisme révolutionaire . Paris: Cercle D'Études 
Gaston Leval, 2017.

_____. "Was Kropotkin a Revolutionary Syndicalist?" In: Monde Nouveau, 
2018.[http://www.monde-nouveau.net/spip.php?article741]

CAFIERO, Carlo. "Our Revolution". In: Revolution . Edmonton: Black Cat, 
2012a.

_____. "Revolutionary Practice". In: Revolution . Edmonton: Black Cat, 
2012b.

CAHM, Caroline. Kropotkin and the Rise of Revolutionary Anarchism 
(1872-1886) . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

COLE, GDH Historia del Pensamiento Socialista , 7 vols. Mexico City: 
Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1959.

CORRÊA, Felipe. "Anarchism and Revolutionary Syndicalism". In: Ideology 
and Strategy: anarchism, social movements and popular power . São Paulo: 
Faísca, 2011.

_____. "The Distinction Between the Categories of Science and 
Doctrine/Ideology in the Work of Errico Malatesta". In: Institute of 
Anarchist Theory and History, 
2013.[https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2013/11/22/felipe-correa-distincao-entre-as-categorias/]

_____. Emergence and Brief Historical Perspective of Anarchism 
(1868-2012) . São Paulo: Faísca[Virtual Library], 2013b.

_____. Black Flag: Rethinking Anarchism . Curitiba: Prismas, 2015.

_____. "Anarchism and Revolutionary Syndicalism: from the International 
Workingmen's Association to its emergence in Latin America". In: SANTOS, 
Kauan W.; SILVA, Rafael V. History of Anarchism and Revolutionary 
Syndicalism in Brazil: new perspectives . Curitiba: Prismas, 2018.

_____. Freedom or Death: Theory and Practice of Mikhail Bakunin . São 
Paulo: Faísca / ITHA, 2019.

_____. (ed.) "Dossier on Contemporary Anarchism: anarchism, 
anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism worldwide 
(1990-2019)". In: Institute of Anarchist Theory and History, 
2020.[https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/anarquismo-contemporaneo/]

_____. "The Global Revival of Anarchism and Syndicalism (1990-2019)". 
In: VAN DER LINDEN, Marcel. (org.). The Global History of Socialism , 
vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, in press.

DAMIER, Vadim. Anarcho-Syndicalism in the 20th Century . Edmonton: Black 
Cat, 2009.

DE JONG, Rudolf. "The Berlin AIT: from 1922 to the Spanish Revolution" 
(and appendices). In: History of the Revolutionary Workers' Movement. 
São Paulo: Imaginário, 2004.

[DIELO TRUDA]Group of Russian Anarchists Abroad. "The Organizational 
Platform of the General Union of Anarchists". In: The Organizational 
Platform . São Paulo: Faísca, 2017.

ECKHARDT, Wolfgang. The First Socialist Schism: Bakunin vs. Marx in the 
IWMA. Oakland: PM Press, 2016.

ENCKELL, Marianne. La Fédération Jurassienne: les origines de 
l'anarchisme en Suisse. Saint-Imier: Canevas, 1991.

FABBRI, Luigi. "The Anarchist Organization". In: MALATESTA, Errico; 
FABBRI, Luigi. Italian Anarcho-Communism . São Paulo: Luta Libertária, 
2003a.

_____. "The Anarchist Concept of Revolution". In: MALATESTA, Errico; 
FABBRI, Luigi. Italian Anarcho-Communism . São Paulo: Luta Libertária, 
2003b.

_____. "La Huelga General, El Primero de Mayo y la Agitación por las 
Ocho Horas de Trabajo". In: Revolutionary Criticism: selection of texts 
. Rosario: Pensamiento y Voluntad, 2012a.

_____. "El Movimiento Brero en una Encrucijada". In: Revolutionary 
Criticism: selection of texts . Rosario: Pensamiento y Voluntad, 2012b.

FERNÁNDEZ, Frank. El Anarchismo en Cuba. Madrid: Fundación Anselmo 
Lorenzo, 2000.

GUÉRIN, Daniel. Anarchism: from doctrine to action . Rio de Janeiro: 
Germinal, 1968.

GUTIÉRREZ DANTON, José Antonio. "The Mártires of Chicago: history of a 
class crime in the land of 'democracy and liberty'". In: Los Orígenes 
Libertarios del Primero de Mayo: from Chicago to Latin America 
(1886-1930). Santiago: Quimantú, 2010.

Hart, John. "Revolutionary Syndicalism in Mexico". In: Libcom, 
2007.[https://libcom.org/library/revolutionary-syndicalism-mexico-john-m-hart]

JOLL, James. Anarchists and Anarchism. Lisbon: Dom Quixote, 1970.

KROPOTKIN, Piotr. "Les Anarchistes et les Syndicats". In: Les Temps 
Nouveaux , year 13, num. 4, 
1907.[https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k6348457p]

_____. Around a Life: memoirs of a revolutionary. São Paulo / Rio de 
Janeiro: José Olympio, 1946.

_____. Libertarian Humanism and Modern Science . Rio de Janeiro: Mundo 
Livre, 1964.

_____. The Conquest of Bread . Lisbon: Guimarães, 1975.

_____. "Anarchism". In: TRAGTENBERG, Maurício (ed.). Kropotkin: selected 
texts. Porto Alegre: LP&M, 1987.

_____. Fields, Factories and Workshops[Tomorrow]. London: Freedom Press, 
1998a.

_____. "Local Action". In: Act For Yourselves: Articles from Freedom 
(1886-1907) . London: Freedom Press, 1998b.

_____. "What Revolution Means". In: Act For Yourselves: Articles from 
Freedom (1886-1907) . London: Freedom Press, 1998c.

_____. Anarchy, its Philosophy, its Ideal . São Paulo: Imaginário, 2000.

_____. Words of a Rebel . São Paulo: Imaginário, 2005a.

_____. "To the Young People". In: Words of a Rebel . São Paulo: 
Imaginário, 2005b.

_____. "The Spirit of Revolt". In: Words of a Rebel . São Paulo: 
Imaginário, 2005c.

_____. "The Fatality of Revolution". In: The Anarchist Principle and 
Other Essays . São Paulo: Hedra, 2007a.

_____. "Communism and Anarchy". In: The Anarchist Principle and Other 
Essays . São Paulo: Hedra, 2007b.

_____. "Anarchist Action in the Revolution". In: The Anarchist Principle 
and Other Essays . São Paulo: Hedra, 2007c.

_____. Mutual Aid: a factor of evolution . São Sebastião: A Senhora, 2009.

_____. "Enemies of the People"[Les Ennemis du Peuple, Le Révolté , 
1881]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter 
Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014a.

_____. "The Workers' Movement in Spain"[Le Mouvement Ouvrier en Espagne, 
Le Révolté , 1881]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against 
Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014b.

_____. "Workers' Organization"[L'Organisation Ouvrière, Le Révolté , 
1881]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter 
Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014c.

_____. "The Use of the Strike"[Freedom , 1890]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014d.

_____. "Strikes"[Grèves, Le Révolté , 1890]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014e.

_____. " 1st May 1891"[Le Premier Mai 1891, Le Révolté , 1890]. In: 
MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin 
anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014f.

_____. "The Death of the New International"[La Mort de la Nouvelle 
Internationale, Le Révolté , 1891]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct 
Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK 
Press, 2014g.

_____. "Commemoration of the Chicago Martyrs"[Freedom , 1892]. In: 
MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin 
anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014h.

_____. "The Workers' Congress of 1896"[Le Congrès Ouvrier de 1896, Les 
Temps Nouveaux , 1895]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against 
Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014i.

_____. "The Development of Trade-Unionism"[Freedom , 1898]. In: MCKAY, 
Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin 
anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014j.

_____. "Letter to French and British Trade Union Delegates"[Freedom , 
1901]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter 
Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014k.

_____. "Politics and Socialism"[Freedom , 1903]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014l.

_____. "Trade Unionism and Parliamentarism"[Syndicalisme et 
Parlementarisme, Les Temps Nouveaux , 1906]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014m.

_____. "Letter to The Voice of Labor"[1907]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014n.

_____. "Anarchists and Trade Unions"[Freedom , 1907]. In: MCKAY, Iain 
(org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . 
Oakland: AK Press, 2014o.

_____. "1886-1907: Glimpses Into the Labor Movement in This 
Country"[Freedom , 1907]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle 
Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014p.

_____. "Letter to Alexander Berkman"[1908]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014q.

_____. "Syndicalism and Anarchism"[Freedom , 1912]. In: MCKAY, Iain 
(org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . 
Oakland: AK Press, 2014r.

_____. "What Revolution Means"[Freedom , 1886]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014s.

_____. "Preface to Bakunin's The Paris Commune and the Idea of the State 
"[1892]. In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a 
Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014t.

_____. "The Russian Revolution and Anarchism"[1906]. In: MCKAY, Iain 
(org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . 
Oakland: AK Press, 2014u.

_____. "Letter to the Bakunin Centenary Celebration"[1914]. In: MCKAY, 
Iain (org.). Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin 
anthology . Oakland: AK Press, 2014v.

_____. The Great Revolution (1789-1793) . São Paulo: Biblioteca Terra 
Livre, 2021.

LUIZETTO, Flávio V. The Presence of Anarchism in Brazil: a study of 
literary and educational episodes (1900-1920). São Paulo: USP (doctoral 
thesis), 1984.

LIBERTARIAN STRUGGLE. "The Anarcho-Communist Current: history, critique 
and permanence". In: MALATESTA, Errico; FABBRI, Luigi. Italian 
Anarcho-Communism . São Paulo: Libertarian Struggle, 2003.

MALATESTA, Errico. "Anarchism and Reform". In: Anarchists, Socialists 
and Communists. São Paulo: Cortez, 1989.

_____. "The Organization I". In: Revolutionary Writings . São Paulo: 
Imaginário, 2000a.

_____. "The Organization II". In: Revolutionary Writings . São Paulo: 
Imaginário, 2000b.

_____. "Peter Kropotkin: Recollections and Criticisms by One of his Old 
Friends". In: The Method of Freedom: an Errico Malatesta Reader . 
Oakland: AK Press, 2014a.

_____. "Anarchists and the Situation". In: The Method of Freedom: an 
Errico Malatesta Reader . Oakland: AK Press, 2014b.

_____. "Syndicalism and Anarchism". In: The Method of Freedom: an Errico 
Malatesta Reader . Oakland: AK Press, 2014c.

_____. "Anarchism in the Workers' Movement". In: The Method of Freedom: 
an Errico Malatesta Reader . Oakland: AK Press, 2014d.

MCKAY, Iain. "Introduction: Bread and Liberty". In: MCKAY, Iain (org.). 
Direct Struggle Against Capital: a Peter Kropotkin anthology . Oakland: 
AK Press, 2014.

MUSTO, Marcelo. "Introduction". In: Workers, Unite!: Political Anthology 
of the First International . São Paulo: Boitempo, 2014.

NETTLAU, Max. History of Anarchy , vol. 1 (from its origins to 
anarcho-communism). São Paulo: Hedra, 2008.

_____. History of Anarchy , vol. 2. São Paulo: Hedra, forthcoming.

_____. A Short History of Anarchism . London: Freedom Press, 1996.

OPAR/UNIPA (Revolutionary Anarchist Popular Organization / Anarchist 
Popular Union). "International Platform of Revolutionary Anarchism", 
2011.[https://uniaoanarquista.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/par-ptbr-1c2aaerrata.pdf]

PATEMAN, Barry. "International Revolutionary Socialist Conference". Kate 
Sharpley Library, 2013/2017.

PERNICONE, Nunzio. Italian Anarchism, 1864-1892 . Oakland: AK Press, 2009.

RECLUS, Élisée. Evolution, Revolution, and the Anarchist Ideal . São 
Paulo: Imaginário, 2002.

_____. "Anarchy". In: Anarchy through Education. São Paulo: Hedra, 2011a.

_____. "Why We Are Anarchists". In: Anarchy Through Education. São 
Paulo: Hedra, 2011b.

_____. "The American Strike". In: The Anarchist Library, 2020.

SAMIS, Alexandre. "Black Pavilion over Olive Homeland". In: COLOMBO, 
Eduardo (ed.). History of the Revolutionary Workers' Movement. São 
Paulo: Imaginário, 2004.

SANTOS, Kauan W.; SILVA, Rafael V. History of Anarchism and 
Revolutionary Syndicalism in Brazil: new perspectives . Curitiba: 
Prismas, 2018.

SILVA, Selmo N. Strikes and Insurgent Struggles: the history of the 
International Workingmen's Association and the origins of revolutionary 
syndicalism. Rio de Janeiro: UFF (doctoral thesis), 2017.

SKIRDA, Alexandre. Facing the Enemy: a history of anarchist 
organizations from Proudhon to May 1968 . Oakland: AK Press, 2002.

THORPE, Wayne. "The Worker Themselves": Revolutionary Syndicalism and 
International Labor, 1913-1923 . Amsterdam: IIHS, 1989.

_____. "Towards a Syndicalist International: The 1913 London Congress". 
In: International Review of Social History , vol. 23, 1978.

TURCATO, Davide. "The 1896 London Congress: Epilogue or Prologue?". In: 
BERRY, David; BANTMAN, Constance (org.). New Perspectives on Anarchism, 
Labor and Syndicalism: The Individual, the National and the 
Transnational. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars, 2010.

UNIPA (Popular Anarchist Union). "The Social Revolution in Brazil", 
Documents, Politics & Theory Series, vol. 2, 
2004.[https://uniaoanarquista.files.wordpress.com/2012/12/sc3a9rie_dpt-vol2.pdf]

VAN DER WALT, Lucien. "World Revolution: towards an assessment of the 
impacts, popular organization, struggles and anarchist and syndicalist 
theory around the world". Andrey C. Ferreira (ed.). Insurgent Thought 
and Practices: anarchism and autonomies in the uprisings and resistances 
of capitalism in the 21st century . Niterói: Alternativa, 2016a.

_____. "Out of the Shadows: the mass base, class composition and popular 
influence of anarchism and syndicalism". In: FERREIRA, Andrey C. 
Insurgent Thought and Practices: anarchism and autonomies in the 
uprisings and resistances of capitalism in the 21st century . Niterói: 
Alternativa, 2016b.

_____. "Syndicalism". In LEVY, Carl; ADAMS, Matthew (org.). The Palgrave 
Handbook of Anarchism . London: Palgrave, 2019a.

_____. "Global Anarchism and Syndicalism of Revolutionary Intention: 
theory, history and resistance". In: Institute of Anarchist Theory and 
History, 
2019b.[https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/2019/06/26/lucien-van-der-walt-anarquismo-global-e-sindicalismo-de-intencao-revolucionaria-teoria-historia-e-resistencia/]

WOODCOCK, George. History of Anarchist Ideas and Movements , 2 vols. 
Porto Alegre: L&PM, 2002.

* This text was written inspired by my presentation at the International 
Colloquium "Piotr Kropotkin: Activism and Research", held in São Paulo 
in July 2021.

1 I insist on putting "thesis" in quotation marks because, as I will 
argue, it is a hypothesis that, through rigorous analysis, is not proven 
true.

2 When we speak of anarchist communism, anarcho-communism, or communist 
anarchism, we should not think - as has sometimes been done, including 
by certain proponents of this position - that this refers to some kind 
of union or middle ground between historical anarchism (of Bakunin, 
Kropotkin, the Spanish Revolution, etc.) and communism (of Marx, Lenin, 
Trotsky, the Russian Revolution, etc.).

3 With a split from the Romance Federation of the International 
Workingmen's Association (IWA) in Switzerland, the Jura Federation, from 
1871 onwards, brought together the federalist militants of that region. 
Under enormous anarchist influence, the Jura Federation was at the 
forefront of the formation of the so-called Anti-Authoritarian 
International, the legitimate successor to the IWA until 1877, and in 
the following years played a central role in the discussions of Swiss 
and European anarchism. (Enckell, 1991)

4 I put the term "current" in quotation marks because I do not agree 
that this is an anarchist current. The way the fruits of labor would be 
distributed in future society (collectivist or communist) did involve a 
relevant debate among anarchists, but not enough to justify the 
establishment of anarchist currents. On this discussion, see: Corrêa, 
2015, pp. 208-210, 234-251.

5 See, for example, my critique of Nettlau and other authors of 
reference studies on anarchism in: Corrêa, 2015, pp. 55-100.

6 I base myself here on Errico Malatesta's positions regarding the 
distinction between the categories of science and doctrine/ideology, 
which I discussed in: Corrêa, 2013a.

7. For this discussion to be conducted seriously, some steps are still 
necessary. First of all, it is necessary to resolve how to position 
oneself in relation to the historical use of these terms ("Bakuninism", 
"Bakuninists", etc.). They have been used in three distinct ways: 1.) To 
refer to the group of federalist-collectivists of the International 
Workingmen's Association (IWA), which included anarchists and 
non-anarchists, as in the trajectory of the Anti-Authoritarian 
International; 2.) To refer to the group of anarchists of the IWA, who 
may or may not have been part of the public and/or secret Alliance; 3.) 
To refer to the group of Alliance members. Assuming that the third way 
were considered the most appropriate (and this can also be discussed), 
it would then be necessary to identify who the Alliance members were, or 
at least the most important Alliance members, what their theoretical and 
practical positions were. And, with this, to verify to what extent there 
was or was not homogeneity with the ideas and actions of Bakunin and 
other anarchists in the context of the IWA. From my point of view, this 
has not yet been properly accomplished. Therefore, I believe it is not 
possible, at present, to speak of "Bakuninism" or "Bakuninists" within 
the International Workingmen's Association (IWA). I have undertaken some 
efforts to contribute to the investigation of these questions. Despite 
the very few bibliographic references on the history of the Alliance, 
both in its secret and public forms, I have tried to recover, at least 
in general terms, what is known of this history, and also the aspects of 
Bakunin's organizational conception that involve the Alliance. (Corrêa, 
2019, pp. 315-397; 495-549) I also came across a set of names of the 
Alliance members which, among others, include: James Guillaume, Adhémar 
Schwitzguébel, Giuseppe Fanelli, Charles Perron, Benoît Malon, Nikolai 
Jukovski, Valerien Mroczkowski, Louis Palix, Tomás Gonzáles Morago, 
Rafael Farga-Pellicer, Gaspard Sentiñon and Charles Alerini (Élisée 
Reclus also became a member of the Alliance). (Corrêa, 2019, pp. 334-346)

8 Adapted translation from Skirda's original book, written in French.

9. It is important to highlight that this thesis of insurrectionary 
hegemony between 1880 and 1895 is only true when considering European 
anarchism. If the geographical scope of the analysis is expanded, a very 
different correlation of forces can be observed when taking into account 
countries such as Mexico, Uruguay, Argentina, the United States, and 
Egypt. For more information, see: Corrêa, 2013b, pp. 30-35 and the 
references listed in the footnote in this text.

10 These possibilists of the "Second International" were part of the 
social-democratic camp, in which they rivaled the Marxists . This 
possibilist movement was, at the time, led by former anarchists, such as 
Paul Brousse and Benoît Malon. However, this possibilist movement should 
not be confused with the aforementioned positions of the anarchists 
(socialists, revolutionaries), whom I previously called possibilists; 
these, distinctly, were not social democrats, but revolutionary and 
anti-authoritarian socialists, who understood reforms as a possible path 
to revolution. Kropotkin favored the participation of anarchists in the 
"Second International," aiming to contest the direction of the workers' 
and socialist movement. His main criticism was regarding the 
social-democratic hegemony and that of political parties; for him, this 
association should only include workers, or, as he argued in 1901, 
become an International of trade unions. In 1896, he emphasized: "we 
want delegates[to the "Socialist International"], not as social 
democrats or anarchists, but as men who have gained confidence in a 
workers' association, whatever their personal opinion may be." (quoted 
in McKay, 2014, p. 86)

11. Possibly Kropotkin's greatest contradiction during this period 
(1872-1921) was his support for the Allies in the First World War, 
breaking with historical principles of anarchism. In expressing this 
position, he aligned himself with a small minority of anarchists with a 
similar vision; the vast majority opposed the war from an anti-statist, 
revolutionary, and internationalist perspective. This stance led to 
Kropotkin's expulsion from the Freedom Group, which he had helped create 
in 1886, and caused him to lose a significant part of his influence 
among anarchists. (McKay, 2014, pp. 91-93) For a more in-depth 
discussion of the topic, see: Berthier, 2014.

12 This last book was published in Brazil in 1964 by the Mundo Livre 
publishing house in Rio de Janeiro. In order to circumvent censorship 
and repression, which would intensify throughout the Brazilian military 
dictatorship (1964-1985), the title was changed to Libertarian Humanism 
and Modern Science .

13 For a discussion of the presence of a certain spontaneity in 
Kropotkin's work between 1872 and 1886, see: Cahm, 1989, in particular 
pages 135, 151, 213, 242. It is important to note that, while this 
defense of natural and spontaneous action may imply opposition to, 
absence of, or lack of organizational emphasis (spontaneity), it may 
also signify the defense of a non-artificial and anti-authoritarian form 
of action.

14 Until recently, this text had no translation into languages other 
than the original Russian in which it was written and published: ?????? 
? ????????? "???????????? ??????????". ??????? ?.?. ????????? ??????? ? 
??????? ? ?????????????????. - (??????): ???. ?????? ??????????,  1892 . 
- ?. 1 -10. Articulated by Lucien van der Walt, Will Firth's English 
translation was first published in McKay, 2014. This is the Kropotkin 
text cited in the "Organizational Platform of the General Union of 
Anarchists," published in the magazine Dielo Truda in 1926. ([Dielo 
Truda], 2017, p. 19) In stark contrast to numerous publications by 
Kropotkin himself, this text, in addition to advocating the formation of 
an "anarchist party" in Russia, considers: "The experience of life in 
Western Europe teaches us that groups and associations of people with 
heterogeneous and often contradictory convictions are not of great 
benefit to the common cause. Differences of opinion or even divergent 
sympathies remain and only hinder one another, often paralyzing the 
energy of individuals. On the other hand, when parties with well-defined 
views are created, composed of people who can truly be considered 
like-minded - they can later unite much more easily when it is necessary 
to act in accordance with the law." "Together against the common enemy." 
Although in the context of the preface in question Kropotkin seems to be 
claiming that anarchists should organize themselves as a distinct field 
separate from other Russian revolutionaries, his reflections can also be 
understood - as, it seems, they actually were, by the Russians of Dielo 
Truda - as the need to operate with these considerations within the 
anarchist field itself. Something that is clearly seen in the 
"Organizational Platform." ([Dielo Truda], 2017)

15 According to Cahm (1989, pp. 145-146, 317-318), in the context of the 
London Congress of 1881, Kropotkin developed such ideas. Evidence of 
this is a letter dated February 27, 1881, sent to a Belgian colleague 
(State Archive of Vienna, Information Bureau 143[1881]51/ad1525) and a 
circular sent in June to Malatesta, Cafiero, and Schwitzguébel (Circular 
Letter to Malatesta, Cafiero and Schwitzguébel, no date, 
Kropotkin-Malatesta Correspondence). Kropotkin "suggested that two 
levels of organization were necessary, one that would be open and based 
on the AIT, and another that would be secret.[...]The basis for the 
secret organization, he argued, already existed in the old 
Intimité[Alliance?]of the International," which continued to exert 
influence on the Anti-Authoritarian International. The proposal was to 
"increase this group through recruitment from among all active and 
skilled conspirators, as they appeared." For Kropotkin, the secret 
organization should have a national base and be internationally 
articulated. He considered that some of its cadres already existed: 
Malatesta, Cafiero, Schwitzguébel, Pindy, Viñas, and Morago. "The 
international organization he envisioned was secret, very small and 
informal, and did not intend to take over or replace the development of 
mass action through the open organization of the AIT. The vast majority 
of workers who supported or sympathized with the revolutionary movement, 
Kropotkin argued, could not be involved in a secret organization, but 
were ready for militant strike action and could not be left at the mercy 
of the parliamentarians. A Strike International could unite the forces 
of the working class in mass actions to transform these strikes into 
uprisings."

16 This is an excerpt from the article "L'Action", published on December 
25, 1880, in the newspaper Le Révolté . It reads: "Our action must be 
permanent revolt, by spoken and written word, by dagger, by rifle, by 
dynamite.[...]Everything that is not legal is good for us." As Cahm 
(1989, pp. 139-140) and Berthier (2007, p. 19) point out, this article 
was actually written by Carlo Cafiero and erroneously attributed to 
Kropotkin by Jean Maitron in his well-known Histoire du Mouvement 
Anarchiste en France (1880-1914) . Interestingly, when this quotation 
was taken up and attributed to Kropotkin, the defense of the protest 
vote as a form of action, which was originally in the text, was removed.

17 A few months before the London Congress of 1881, Kropotkin wrote the 
aforementioned article "Enemies of the People," in which he argues, 
among other things, for the need for workers and peasants to lead a 
struggle against capital and the State. (Kropotkin, 2014a) A few months 
after the Congress, he wrote "Le Mouvement Ouvrier en Espagne"[The 
Workers' Movement in Spain], in which he defends the trade unionism of 
the Federación de Trabajadores de la Región Española (FTRE), explaining 
its general concepts, its revolutionary strategy, and recognizing the 
effectiveness of strikes. (Kropotkin, 2014b) After that, still at the 
end of 1881, he wrote, in the also aforementioned "The Workers' 
Organization," about the need to build mass workers' organizations, 
explaining their aims, their means, and how they could be constituted; 
he emphasized, again, the importance of strikes. (Kropotkin, 2014c) This 
shows that, even in the context of the Congress, when European anarchism 
was immersed in insurrectionary perspectives, Kropotkin simultaneously 
maintained distinct positions.

18 Interestingly, here again Kropotkin not only advocates for 
revolutionary syndicalism, but emphasizes that for it to function as 
this tool in the struggle against capital and the State, an anarchist 
organization is necessary. In other words, he once again resorts to 
defending organizational dualism. The continuation of Kropotkin's quote 
is as follows: "But, evidently, it[the union]does not achieve this 
objective automatically, since in Germany, France, and England we have 
the example of unions linked to the parliamentary struggle, while in 
Germany Catholic unions are very powerful, and so on. That other element 
that Malatesta speaks of and which Bakunin always defended is necessary 
." (apud Nettlau, 1996, pp. 280-281) Nettlau explains this last sentence 
by Kropotkin: "In the article to which Kropotkin refers, published in 
Volontà , Malatesta declared: 'Bakunin expected much from the 
International, but nevertheless founded the Alliance, which was the soul 
of the International in all Latin countries.' The 'other element' 
Kropotkin speaks of is the Alliance, to which he himself had belonged 
from 1877, and which he supports in his letters of 1881 and 1902. The 
Alliance, according to Kropotkin, was indispensable for keeping the 
masses of workers united and thus pointing towards 'atheism, socialism, 
anarchism, revolution,' in Malatesta's words, since otherwise other 
forces would influence the unions towards social democracy, Catholicism, 
etc." (Nettlau, 1996, p. 281) In both these quotations in the body of 
the text and in this note, I have included the reference to the English 
edition of Nettlau's book, because the Portuguese edition (Nettlau, 2008 
/ forthcoming), translated from the French edition, is slightly 
different and omits certain passages.

19 The main examples were: in Mexico, the Congreso General de Obreros 
Mexicanos[General Congress of Mexican Workers](CGOM), founded in 1876; 
in the United States, the Central Labor Union (CLU), founded in 1884; in 
Cuba, the Círculo de Trabajadores de La Habana[Havana Workers' 
Circle](CTH), founded in 1885. (Hart, 2007; Gutiérrez Danton, 2010, p. 
27; Fernández, 2000, p. 126)

20 "The influence and historical role of trade unionism were 
substantial, especially between the years 1890 and 1920. During this 
period, anarchists and trade unionists founded, led, or influenced trade 
unions in countries as diverse as: South Africa, Germany, Argentina, 
Australia, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Canada, Chile, China, Colombia, 
Costa Rica, Cuba, Egypt, El Salvador, Ecuador, Spain, United States, 
France, Great Britain, Guatemala, Netherlands, Ireland, Italy, Japan, 
Mexico, New Zealand, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Sweden, Uruguay, 
and Venezuela." (Van der Walt, 2019, p. 254) After that, there were 
numerous other cases, the most significant of which was that of the 
National Confederation of Labor (CNT), particularly during the Spanish 
Revolution of 1936-1939. Various experiences were carried out not only 
throughout the 20th century, but even in this beginning of the 21st 
century. (Van der Walt, 2016a, 2016b, 2019) To learn about the main 
cases from 1990 to 2019, see: Corrêa, 2020, forthcoming.

21 To learn about the conceptual debate and the distinctions between 
revolutionary syndicalism and anarcho-syndicalism, see: Corrêa, 2011; 
Berthier, 2017; Damier, 2009, pp. 23-41.

22 The original publication of this text, which appeared in the July and 
August 1912 editions of the periodical Freedom , can be found at these 
links: 
https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Freedom-1912-07.pdf 
and 
https://freedomnews.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Freedom-1912-08.pdf .

https://socialismolibertario.net/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en