A-Infos (en) Turkey, Yeryuzu Postasi: The Global Reawakening of Anarchism and Syndicalism - Felipe Corrêa (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

This article by Felipe Corrêa, which examines the recent history of 
anarchism worldwide (1990-2019), is included in the edited volume 
Cambridge History of Socialism (Vol. 1), published on November 3, 2022. 
---- This research would not have been possible without over twenty 
years of work and militancy, but also without the support of numerous 
comrades. In particular, I would like to thank the members of the 
Institute for Anarchist Theory and History (IATH) and the volunteers 
from the "Contemporary Global Anarchism/Syndicalism" group who helped 
with data collection, as well as the countless others who assisted with 
interviews and information. I offer my deepest gratitude to all of them. 
I would also like to thank Jonathan Payn for his assistance on various 
issues during the research and writing process, José Antonio Gutiérrez 
Danton for translating this section and commenting on previous versions, 
and Marcel van der Linden for his discussions and suggestions during the 
editing and revision of the text.

This chapter critically examines the resurgence of anarchists, 
anarcho-syndicalists, and revolutionary syndicalists in many parts of 
the world over the past thirty years. It is based on an extensive 
literature review (books, texts, documents, and websites) in various 
languages and dozens of interviews with anarchists and syndicalists from 
around the world. I hope this work will serve as a starting point for 
further research, which will be revised, improved, and refined in the 
process.

Anarchism and syndicalism during the period discussed here (1990-2019) 
can best be understood as part of a broader global movement opposing 
neoliberalism in a context where the left was experiencing a crisis. As 
leading members of the anti-authoritarian/libertarian segment of this 
movement - advocating a revolutionary, anti-capitalist, and anti-statist 
position simultaneously - anarchists and syndicalists became a more 
recognized, respected, and influential force, capable of (sometimes 
powerfully) influencing the course of popular movements in various 
countries.

After addressing some theoretical-methodological and contextual issues, 
I will now examine the following questions that are important for this 
period: What were the most significant currents, ideas, and debates 
among anarchists and syndicalists? What were their greatest 
international efforts? What were their achievements? What were their 
historical and theoretical areas of interest?

Contemporary Anarchism and Syndicalism: Methodological Problems
Various studies on contemporary anarchism have a rather narrow 
perspective. This is true, for example, of research influenced by the 
rise of the Global Justice Movement (Anti-Globalization Movement) and 
related studies that claim a "new anarchism" emerged around the year 
2000. Despite some strengths, these studies have several 
weaknesses.[1]In general, they treat anarchism with an extremely broad 
and ahistorical definition; so much so that any person or movement 
living or acting according to certain principles - ranging, depending on 
the author, from opposing domination to defending specific principles 
(anti-capitalism, anti-state, direct action, vanguard politics)[2]- is 
considered anarchist. Therefore, anarchists can generally be considered 
anyone who adopts anti-authoritarian or libertarian positions. Thus, 
these authors abandon historical criteria and do not contextualize 
anarchism as a phenomenon whose spread, existence, and influence can be 
mapped and understood in time and space. For example, we know that other 
political and philosophical traditions (libertarian Marxists, 
autonomists, some indigenous movements, and religious currents) 
sometimes reflect some of these principles, but they can only be 
arbitrarily considered anarchist.

Now, while these studies define anarchism very broadly, they also make 
generalizations based on a very limited number of cases, and (despite 
presenting themselves as studies on anarchism in general) they are 
mostly Eurocentric and particularly focused on the North Atlantic. 
Geographically, they tend to ignore a large part of the world where very 
important experiences exist. But that's not all. Their distinction 
between "old" and "new" anarchism is based on superficial and 
ahistorical criticisms of old anarchism-typically described as sectarian 
and class reductionist-and an excessive glorification of new anarchism, 
typically exaggerating its dimensions and often reducing contemporary 
anarchism to it. Such studies undoubtedly simply ignore the hundreds or 
perhaps thousands of anarchist collectives and initiatives, dozens of 
anarchist organizations and federations, and various anarcho-syndicalist 
and revolutionary syndicalist organizations (often with thousands of 
members) that affect millions of people worldwide.

A Historical and Global Approach and Some Precise Definitions
To address these shortcomings, this work is based on three 
theoretical-methodological concepts. First, I attempt to develop a 
historical and global approach that rejects ahistorical and Eurocentric 
studies, thereby significantly broadening the geographical scope of the 
analysis.[3]Second, I use a precise definition of anarchism, based on a 
global analysis of its 150-year history, which I have discussed in more 
detail elsewhere.[4]

According to this definition, anarchism is a libertarian and 
anti-authoritarian revolutionary form of socialism; a form of socialism 
that is simultaneously anti-capitalist and anti-statist, and that seeks 
to replace the existing system of domination with a new system based on 
self-governance. The content of anarchism is expressed through three 
main concepts:

A rational critique of capitalist and statist society and all forms of 
domination (from a pluralistic epistemological-philosophical and 
theoretical-methodological perspective); class (labor exploitation, 
political-bureaucratic domination, physical coercion, and cultural 
alienation), gender, race, or nationality.
This includes advocating for a new self-governing and federalist 
society: the socialization of property (reconciled with family ownership 
in rural areas), democratic self-governance (political socialization, 
management of workers' unions, federalist delegation), a self-governing 
culture (new ethics, education, communication, entertainment), and the 
end of social classes and domination in general.
A fundamental strategy for supporting this structural social 
transformation is through the empowerment of the oppressed classes (wage 
workers in cities and rural areas, peasants, precarious and marginalized 
groups) and their victory in a social revolution that will require a 
degree of violence and will last for some time. In this process, the 
struggle must be self-directed (prefigurative politics), the means must 
be subordinate to the ends, and the seizure of power positions in the 
capitalist economy and state must be rejected.
In this sense, anarchism is a political ideology/doctrine that emerged 
between 1888 and 1889 through the thoughts and actions of intellectuals, 
militants, and social movements on different continents. Its most 
significant expressions during this period were seen in Western Europe 
(Spain, France, Italy, Portugal, and Switzerland), North America (USA), 
Latin America (Cuba, Mexico, and Uruguay), and North Africa (Egypt). The 
main strategy of anarchists during this period was revolutionary 
syndicalism and anarchist syndicalism; thus, these forms of struggle 
became historically part of the anarchist tradition. After 1886, and 
especially at the beginning of the twentieth century, anarchism spread 
globally and, with its advances and setbacks, gained a significant 
position among the working class and the revolutionary left worldwide.

Political views that have no historical connection to this movement 
(individuals, groups, communities, anti-domination movements, anti-state 
activists, etc., who have never had contact with or referenced 
historical anarchism) can be characterized as anti-authoritarian or 
libertarian.

Progressive Statism, Neoliberalism, and Anarchist/Syndicalist Political 
Culture
The third theoretical-methodological element is to place our subject 
within its historical context, making it sufficiently debatable. 
Anarchism experienced a revival in the 1960s and 1980s, gradually 
reversing the decline that had lasted since World War II. During these 
two decades, older movements remained influential, particularly in 
Spain, where a significant underground and exile movement was active, 
and in Uruguay, where the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) played a 
crucial role in armed and mass struggles from 1963 to the 1973 coup. 
While showing a significant presence in the international New Left in 
countries such as Canada, France, and Japan, it had a less impressive 
presence in the United States, Italy, and the Netherlands.

Anarcho-syndicalism and revolutionary syndicalism gained momentum again 
in various parts of the world in the late 1970s. Of particular 
significance was the revival of the National Confederation of Labour 
(CNT) in Spain, which had been influential. This confederation 
re-emerged into the public sphere following the end of Francisco 
Franco's dictatorship and managed to organize tens of thousands of 
members. During the 1970s and 80s, anarchist groups spread rapidly 
throughout the world, including Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Middle 
East, and, from the late 1980s, parts of the former Soviet bloc. 
International efforts were also made in this direction: the 
International Federation of Anarchist Associations (IFA) was founded in 
1968; the syndicalist International Workers' Union (IWA-AIT) began to 
grow from the late 1970s; and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), 
initially based only in the USA, expanded to various 
countries.[5]However, the break from previous years in terms of growth 
only occurred in the 1990s, because both anarchism and syndicalism 
entered a new phase of development in which they became increasingly 
stronger until the 2010s. Some global structural factors were decisive 
in this break.

One of these was related to the crisis of three main political-economic 
expressions that could be called "progressive statism," including the 
social democratic welfare (Keynesian) state, the Marxist-Leninist 
"socialist" state, and the anti-imperialist nationalist industrializing 
state.[6]In the developed world, Keynesian welfare states weakened due 
to declining labor productivity, slowing growth, and falling rates of 
profit, coupled with the weakening of the US's global leadership. In the 
former "socialist" bloc, the end of the USSR and the fall of the Berlin 
Wall led to a rapid and massive decline in state-led economies and 
central planning. In the so-called Third World, import substitution 
industrialization projects failed; many of these countries would remain 
committed to structural adjustment programs promoted by the 
International Monetary Fund (IMF).[7]

Over the years, different responses to this crisis emerged. Most 
importantly, it came from the right wing in the form of economic 
neoliberalism, which was imposed on much of the world in the 1980s and 
1990s; the IMF and the World Bank (WB) played a crucial role in this 
global expansion.[8]

The globalization of neoliberal capitalism and the simultaneous 
financialization of the economy have led to a massive increase in social 
inequality, income inequality, environmental degradation, and the 
erosion of social welfare wherever it existed. States have contributed 
to this by deregulating their economies (free markets) and frequently 
suppressing dissent. Mass media has spread neoliberal ideology 
globally.[9]During these years, neo-fascism (which, depending on the 
region, supports neoliberal principles to a greater or lesser extent) 
also grew significantly, strengthening a highly active far-right 
movement that, although not a dominant force, fuels persistent problems 
such as xenophobia, racism, chauvinism, and discrimination against 
minorities.[10]

In this context, numerous social conflicts emerged, and the internet 
became an increasingly important technological ally for communication in 
the struggles of movements. Within the growing left resistance, 
progressive statist views (primarily social democratic and to a lesser 
extent Marxist or nationalist) persisted, but these increasingly lost 
their legitimacy - proving incapable of countering neoliberalism as 
state administrators.[11]Therefore, radical left alternatives, 
particularly critical of statism, emerged or re-emerged. Among these are 
some examples that garnered global attention, such as the Zapatistas in 
Mexico, who had a profound influence on anarchism, and the 
Anti-Globalization Movement, in which anarchists were at the 
forefront.[12]  The reawakening of anarchism, anarcho-syndicalism, and 
revolutionary syndicalism from the 1990s onwards is part of a 
libertarian view that argues that to defeat neoliberalism, the 
foundations of capitalism and the state must be questioned, and that 
rural and urban workers must be placed at the center of a liberation 
project based on economic self-management and federalist politics.

The crises of progressive statism and the left wing, coupled with 
neoliberal globalization, have had a profound impact on the ongoing 
resurgence of anarchism/syndicalism. Most of the struggles and movements 
involving anarchists/syndicalists should be evaluated within this 
context. However, there were also important regional factors. In Latin 
America and South Africa, the development of anarchism and syndicalism 
is directly linked to the end of dictatorships and apartheid. In Russia, 
the development of this movement is related to the mobilizations that 
led to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In parts of North Africa and 
the Middle East, the Arab Spring played a significant role.[13]

However, this development cannot be explained solely contextually or 
structurally. The groups, networks, organizations, and movements of 
anarchists and syndicalists were significant. Many were deeply committed 
to the cause and were imprisoned, injured, or even killed for their 
beliefs. Their personal and collective efforts greatly contributed to 
the progress made. Political culture was crucial - without considering 
this, it is impossible to explain the varying levels of presence and 
influence of anarchism/syndicalism in different countries. With a few 
exceptions, the greater the historical impact of anarchism in a region, 
and the more this historical tradition has been kept alive in previous 
decades (by old militants, organizations, political culture, 
mobilizations, and actions) - allowing for the creation of a bridge with 
new actors - the easier it is to involve new actors, and the greater the 
influence of contemporary anarchists and syndicalists.

Geographical Presence, Key Trends, Views, and Debates
From a geographical perspective - and considering criteria such as 
size, continuity, political and social impact, national sphere of 
influence, theoretical contributions, and practical achievements - it 
can be said that both anarchists and syndicalists have had a significant 
global presence and influence since 1990.

In regions where the anarchist tradition is significant and 
well-researched, such as Europe and North America, the most important 
movements developed in France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and the United 
States. In Eastern Europe, Greece held a significant place. Other 
regions with a significant tradition but less researched due to the 
dominant Eurocentrism of academia include Latin America (Mexico, Brazil, 
Argentina, Uruguay, Chile), the Western Pacific (Australia), and East 
Asia. In regions with a weaker historical tradition, such as sub-Saharan 
Africa, a significant presence was seen in South Africa, Nigeria, and 
Sierra Leone. In North Africa, there was a small-scale movement in Egypt 
and Tunisia in the 2010s. In South and Southeast Asia, as well as the 
Middle East and Central Asia, the most important movements developed in 
Turkey and Syria (Kurdistan), and to a lesser extent in Bangladesh, 
Indonesia, Israel, and Palestine.

Considering all regions where anarchism and/or syndicalism has had some 
influence, it is possible to speak of six main anarchist and syndicalist 
currents and viewpoints.

Firstly, there are syndicalist organizations that try to become mass 
organizations, namely anarcho-syndicalist and revolutionary syndicalist 
organizations. Their historical references go back to the International 
Workingmen's Association (IWA-AIT) between 1922-39. "These are 
syndicalist organizations that operate mainly in the[labor]field, but 
not limited to it, and have ultimate revolutionary goals."[14]
These are 'based on class struggle and aim to unite all workers in 
militant economic organizations' and have two goals: 'to continue the 
daily revolutionary struggle for the economic, social and intellectual 
progress of the working class within the limits of present society' and 
to educate the masses for a revolution that will enable them to 'take 
over all elements of social life'.[15]Workers who are members of these 
organizations do not have to be anarchists, but they embrace the 
libertarian and anti-authoritarian principles of these unions. Depending 
on the circumstances, the organizations may promote anarchism to a 
greater or lesser extent; their decisions may be taken by consensus or 
by voting. These organizations may be established as multi-sector 
unions, industrial unions or factions within larger unions.

(ii) Secondly, there are heterogeneous private organizations 
("synthesizers") that bring together anarchists on a heterogeneous basis 
for various works. Historical references include the classics (Mikhail 
Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon), as well as the 1872 
Anti-Authoritarian International, the 1920 Bologna Conference, and the 
works of Errico Malatesta, Sébastien Faure, and Volin (Vsevolod 
Eikhenbaum). These organizations argue that anarchists "need a private 
organization" to spread anarchism. Their members identify with anarchism 
and its principles, but allow for "ideological and practical pluralism" 
or "pluralism of tendencies" and a diversity of strategies, as long as 
it is compatible with these principles. They recognize "the autonomy of 
each group" in broader federations, thus allowing for 
"anarcho-syndicalism, anarchist communism, neo-Malthusianism, anarchist 
pacifism, etc." They may gravitate toward trends, or they may not 
gravitate toward all or any of these trends.[16]Therefore, they use 
'synthesis as a method': that is, each group 'organizes its internal 
structure and activities with complete autonomy, determines its program 
of action, working method, name, etc.'[17]
Although they acknowledge that "ideological propaganda alone is 
insufficient and participation in daily struggles is necessary," they 
carry out numerous propaganda activities; therefore, they support trade 
unionism and social struggles. Their sense of responsibility is 
"personal, not collective," so decisions taken at their congresses and 
other organs, like their actions, may not be shared or implemented by 
all members.[18]

Thirdly, there are homogeneous, specific organizations ( "platformists" 
/ "specificists" ); these are founded by anarchists on a homogeneous 
basis and focus on propaganda and the development of mass movements 
among workers, residents, students, etc.
Historical references include, among others, Bakunin and his 
alliance[19], the Dielo Truda (Workers' Cause) group and its 1926 
"Organizational Platform," as well as classic writers such as Malatesta, 
Luigi Fabbri, and Kropotkin. These groups advocated the necessity of 
"private anarchist organizations," but operated on the basis of 
organizational dualism, proposing on the one hand the organization of 
anarchists and on the other hand their participation in popular 
movements.[20]In trade unions and social movements, they advocated a 
program generally similar to revolutionary syndicalism.

They do not advocate for different tendencies and positions, but rather 
for "theoretical unity" - that is, "collective responsibility" - and 
strategic, programmatic and "tactical unity".[21]Organizations that 
implement federalist and self-governing decision-making processes have 
common political lines that are essential for their groups, cores and 
members. They strive to achieve consensus, but if this is not possible, 
they use different voting methods.[22]

Fourth, there are insurgent groups and individuals. These include 
individuals, affinity groups, and informal associations that are 
reviving the insurgent tradition of anarchism. They criticize structured 
mass organizations and anarchist organizations, which they characterize 
as bureaucratic, and see violence as a potential trigger for rebellions 
and revolutionary movements. Their historical references are more fluid, 
including classical anarchists such as Luigi Galleani, Ravachol 
(François Königstein), Severino Di Giovanni - often associated with 
"propaganda through action," anarchist illegalism, and the Black 
International of 1881 - and more recent writers such as Alfredo Bonanno. 
They are often close to individualistic, anti-civilizational, 
anti-technological, primitivist, nihilistic, and postmodern concepts.
Their understanding of insurgency is a practice, a method based on the 
idea of 'informal organization', 'no general assemblies, 
representatives, delegates or committees, no organs that lead to the 
emergence of leaders, charismatic figures and the imposition of 
discourse experts'. They usually discuss anonymously and when they 
organize informally, affinity groups and individuals do not know each 
other; their dialogue takes place through action without decision-making 
processes.[23]They avoid a program, set general goals for action and 
everyone is free to decide how to achieve these goals. For them, the 
radical nature of the militancy is more important than the number of 
participants.[24]

Their actions, based on a constant offensive approach and rejecting 
waiting, mediation and compromise, are mostly violent. For the 
insurgents, violence is central to their strategy and is not connected 
to the organization of mass movements before or simultaneously. While 
they sometimes accept the struggle for immediate demands, they 
consistently defend their maximum program regardless of historical 
conditions: the time for rebellion is always now. "We are in favor of an 
immediate, destructive attack against the structures, individuals and 
organizations of capital, the state and all forms of oppression" 
(Bonanno).[25]

Fifth, there are various collectives composed solely of anarchists or 
other anti-authoritarians. They draw on diverse historical references, 
ranging from classical and contemporary anarchism to the practical and 
theoretical contributions of other libertarian currents. These are 
mostly political collectives, propaganda groups, urban squatters, social 
centers, info-shops, libraries, publishing and research groups, 
cooperatives, communities, etc. These collectives exist in every region 
where anarchists are present: depending on the region, they can be 
organized at the local, regional, or even national level.
Sixth, there are generally anti-authoritarians and libertarians; these 
include movements, groups, and individuals that can be characterized as 
anti-authoritarian or libertarian in the broad sense given here. Like 
collectives, these may be more or less close to anarchism, may include 
anarchist members, or may align with libertarian Marxism, autonomism, 
indigenous movements, religious movements, etc.
These currents and viewpoints are based on different answers to various 
questions central to anarchist/syndicalist debates. The main topics of 
discussion in the period under review include six fundamental issues. 
First, there is the need for organization, and on this issue, there are 
different positions ranging from those who firmly advocate for 
organizational structures to those who reject formal structures. This 
allows us to identify pro-organization and anti-organization positions. 
Second, there is the nature of organization and grouping. Some argue for 
the necessity of mass organizations, while others argue for the 
necessity of specific organizations. Some advocate for both types (mass 
and specific), while others prefer informal and unstructured groups and 
unions. Debates on this topic also include how decisions are made, 
whether voting and delegation are accepted, whether militants know each 
other, and the level of autonomy and unity expected or permitted of 
them. It also includes the specific form of organization, which allows 
us to identify heterogeneous and homogeneous models and main areas of 
activity: creating and participating in mass movements and/or propaganda 
and education and/or armed attacks, etc.

The third point of contention is the understanding of the struggle; some 
advocate for continuous attack, while others argue for advancement or 
retreat according to historical circumstances. This concerns whether 
militancy leans towards adherence to principles (complete political 
rigidity, because 'reality is flawed') or pragmatism ('anything goes to 
interfere with reality', including betraying principles). Fourth is the 
nature of the movements to be built and/or strengthened. Different 
positions exist regarding coalitions with non-anarchists and alliances 
and/or participation in reformist or non-anarchist unions or social 
movements. The same applies to: acceptance or rejection of struggles for 
short-term reforms; expression or rejection of a minimum or maximum 
program; acceptance or rejection of negotiation, compromise, or 
mediation in struggles; and the level of concern for public opinion. The 
fifth point of contention is the relationship with the state, and 
includes whether or not to participate in the elections of union 
committees or representatives and whether or not to receive funding 
directly or indirectly from the state. Finally, the sixth point of 
discussion is the relationship between revolutionary violence and mass 
movements and struggles; some advocate for simultaneous initiatives, 
while others believe that violence can create mass and revolutionary 
mobilizations.

Transnational Efforts
Depending on the situation, and more or less connected to these 
movements and viewpoints, the transnational efforts of anarchists and 
syndicalists have reached remarkable proportions in the last thirty years.

Among the most important syndicalist mass organizations is the 
International Workers' Union (IWA-AIT). This international organization 
has brought together anarcho-syndicalist and revolutionary syndicalists 
for many years, but experienced major crises culminating in 2016. That 
year, the three largest organizations representing 80 to 90 percent of 
IWA-AIT's worker base (National Confederation of Workers (CNT, Spain), 
Italian Workers' Union (USI), and Free Workers' Union (Freie 
Arbeiterinnen- und Arbeiter-Union, FAU, Germany)) were expelled from the 
organization. Today (2020), the remaining organizations have fewer than 
1,000 members, mostly in Europe. In 2018, the expelled organizations 
joined forces with other organizations to form the International 
Confederation of Workers (ICL-CIT). These organizations have 
approximately 10,000 members, mostly in Europe and America. These 
organizations include the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, USA and 
Canada)[26]and the Argentine Regional Workers Federation (FORA).[27]

International syndicalist meetings bring together a significant number 
of these organizations to discuss the international situation and 
promote internationalism: in the United States in 1999 (i99), in Germany 
in 2002 (i02) and in France in 2007 (i07). This last meeting, organized 
by CNT-France (Vignoles), brought together dozens of trade unions from 
all over the world; most of the participants came from African trade 
unions.[28]

The largest representative of heterogeneous specific organizations is 
the International Federation of Anarchist Associations (IAF), founded in 
1968 and mostly based in Europe, but attempting to expand into Latin 
America. They have approximately 2,000 members in probably a dozen 
organizations. Among the most important organizations of this movement 
are the Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI) due to its historical 
importance and the Argentine Libertarian Federation (FLA) due to its 
current importance, the Italian Anarchist Federation (FAI) and the 
French-Speaking Anarchist Federation (FAF).[29]

The largest representative of homogeneous specific organizations is the 
Anarkismo.net network, a multilingual website founded in 2000, 
consisting mostly of organizations located in Europe and South America. 
They have approximately 1000 members in dozens of organizations. Among 
the most important organizations of this movement are the Uruguayan 
Anarchist Federation (FAU) due to its historical importance and the 
Alternative Libertaire (AL)/Libertarian Communist Union (UCL, France) 
due to its current importance, the Federation of Anarchist Communists 
(FdCA)/Alternativa Libertaria (AL, Italy), the Workers' Solidarity 
Movement (WSM, Ireland), the Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB) and 
(Revolutionary Anarchist Action (DAF, Turkey)[30]).[31]

The most important representatives of insurgent groups and individuals 
are located in the Mediterranean, particularly in Italy and Greece. 
Among these is the Informal Anarchist Federation (InformalAF), founded 
in 2002-2003. InformalAF has carried out some forty attacks (mostly 
bombings) against political, police, military, prison and business 
targets as part of a dozen campaigns. Over time, they paved the way for 
the formation of the International Revolutionary Front, which brought 
together important Greek groups such as the Fire Cells Conspiracy and 
Revolutionary Struggle, which spread to other European and Latin 
American countries in 2011.[32]I should also mention Elephant Books, a 
London-based publishing house with international reach. Because these 
groups are clandestine, it is difficult to know their size; however, 
their membership numbers are probably smaller than those of homogeneous 
and heterogeneous specific organizations.

In addition to the meetings and conferences of the aforementioned 
organizations, other international gatherings of a more or less global 
nature have been organized for theoretical and practical purposes. For 
example, the International Libertarian Meeting in Spain (1995), the 
Anti-Authoritarian Insurgent International Meeting (Italy, 2000), the 
Anarchist Meetings (Brazil, 2002), the International Anarchist-Feminist 
Conference (UK, 2014), and the Mediterranean Anarchist Meeting (Tunisia, 
2015) were held. The International Anarchist Meeting in Saint-Maurice, 
Switzerland in 2012 (UK, 2014) and the Mediterranean Anarchist Meeting 
(Tunisia, 2015) were also organized. The International Anarchist Meeting 
in Saint-Imier, Switzerland in 2012 brought together thousands of people 
from all over the world for five days of events.

New anti-authoritarian and libertarian movements also emerged. The 
largest and most influential of these was the Mexican indigenous armed 
movement led by the Zapatista National Liberation Army (Ejército 
Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN). Coming into the public sphere 
in 1994 with their struggle against neoliberalism, the Zapatistas 
governed 55 municipalities with a population of 300,000 in Chiapas and 
became a global point of reference even for 
anarchists/syndicalists.[33]Anarchists and syndicalists in Mexico (the 
Self-Administered Libertarian Union and the Revolutionary Anarchist 
Federation of Love and Fury) and other countries (e.g., the General 
Confederation of Labour in Spain) also made smaller contributions to 
this experience.

The Zapatistas were among the signatories who founded the People's 
Global Action (PGA) in 1998, a network of social movements that 
spearheaded the global resistance movement and coordinated Global Days 
of Action against neoliberalism. The movement aimed to be " a global 
communication and coordination tool for everyone fighting against the 
global market's destruction of humanity and the planet, building local 
alternatives and the power of the people ."[34]From 1999 onwards, mass 
actions were organized globally; the action in Seattle in November of 
that year ("Battle of Seattle") gave the movement global visibility, and 
it maintained its momentum until 2002. Most actions were held in the 
United States and Europe, but there was significant participation in 
other continents as well; anarchists were influential in these actions.[35]

In 1999, with significant contributions from anarchists, the Independent 
Media Centre (Indymedia) was established as a global communication 
network. It managed sites worldwide (90 in 2002, 150 in 2006); its open 
access policy - readers could publish their own articles and comments - 
and various technological tools developed before the best-known social 
networks caused a break with the hegemonic discourse of mainstream media 
and gave voice to social movements, but it was also innovative in that 
it pioneered technological developments in the following years.[36]

As part of these networks, it is also important to mention the hundreds 
or thousands of collectives that often have transnational connections, 
influencing and communicating with each other. Among the most 
representative examples of this trend are the various Antifa 
(anti-fascist) collectives around the world. Some of these are 
explicitly anarchist, while others have a broader political profile. The 
internationalization of the Antifa militant model was crucial in those 
years, and anarchists played a decisive role in this.[37]Similarly, 
there were numerous Anarchist Black Cross (ABC) groups dedicated to 
supporting political prisoners. Adopting an abolitionist[38]perspective, 
these groups were in contact with prisoners, visiting them, sending them 
political publications, raising funds, and organizing solidarity 
demonstrations.[39]In academic and research fields, there are 
initiatives such as the North American Network for Anarchist Studies 
(NAASN), the Network for Anarchist Studies (ASN), and the Institute for 
Anarchist Theory and History (ITHA-IATH).

The so-called Black Bloc, a tactic of action used in street 
demonstrations and based on a shared visual identity (black masks and 
clothing) and combative forms of protest such as property destruction 
and clashes with the police, is also worth mentioning. This movement, 
with its origins in Europe in the 1800s, spread internationally in the 
1990s and 2000s following the Global Justice Movement, and emerged in 
different places such as Brazil and Egypt in 2013. Those participating 
in this movement were not only anarchists, but[anarchists]played a 
central role in the process.[40]There were also subculture experiences 
associated with punk (mostly anarchist punk)[41], which were critical to 
the growth of anarchism in different countries, and to a lesser extent, 
other experiences associated with alternative rock, hardcore, straight 
edge, skinhead, hip-hop, organized "ultras"/hooligans, and similar groups.

Successes and Failures
The period under consideration was marked by the successes and setbacks 
of anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists and revolutionary syndicalists.[42]

Mass Organizations and Specific Organizations

Trade unionism had its broadest experience in Spain, with the General 
Confederation of Labour (CGT), the country's fourth-largest union. It 
grew from 10,000 members in the 1990s to 100,000 in 2020, encompassing 
almost 3.5% of all Spanish union members. Furthermore, the CGT increased 
its number of elected union delegates from 5,000 to 7,000, representing 
millions of workers across various sectors.[43]

The IWW initiative is also important in this regard. Although a much 
smaller union (with a few thousand members), it gained notoriety for 
focusing on workers in the retail and service sectors, which are largely 
ignored by larger unions. Campaigns conducted in fast-food chains were 
noteworthy in this respect. Wobblies (IWW members) also distinguished 
themselves by organizing strikes in the US prison-industrial complex.[44]

In Nigeria, the syndicalist Awareness League (AL) reached 1,000 members 
in fifteen states in the 1990s, and its main struggle was 
anti-militarism.[45]In Sierra Leone, between 1988 and the early 1990s, a 
section of the IWW was established, which was the first syndicalist 
experiment in the country; in 1997, despite the civil war, it organized 
more than 3,000 diamond miners.[46]

In Latin America, the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation played a 
significant role in introducing and spreading the current called 
"especifismo" that emerged on the continent in the 1990s; the Brazilian 
Anarchist Coordination was the most important result of this. Since 
2003, especifis have worked on the Meeting of Autonomous People's 
Organizations of Latin America (ELAOPA), which has formed a 
transnational network of a militant and independent current in trade 
unions and social movements through thirteen meetings held in various 
countries.[47]

Magazines, Books and Other Media

In the United States, anarchists formed a collective called CrimethInc 
that produced extensive propaganda work (books, magazines, posters, 
videos, podcasts, and social networks). It provided numerous resources 
suitable for reproduction and had an international impact. Also in the 
United States, publishing houses such as AK Press and PM Press published 
hundreds of books between 1990 and 2019; the Fifth Estate magazine, 
founded in the 1960s, published 62 issues during this period; and the 
Institute for Anarchist Studies (IAS) funded more than 100 research 
projects worldwide; the Riseup collective developed secure technological 
tools for storing data and communicating among militants.[48]

In France, the Anarchist Federation distinguished itself through its 
propaganda work; during these years it published thousands of issues of 
its newspaper, Le Monde Libertaire (The Free World), which was founded 
in the 1950s. The Federation also had the Publico bookstore and Les 
Editions du Monde Libertaire publishing house, which served as a common 
space for activities in Paris, as well as daily programs on Radio 
Libertaire (Free Radio, FM and online).[49]

Mass Demonstrations

In Greece, anarchists gained significant power between 1989 and 1995, 
establishing an "anarchist neighborhood" in Athens (Exarcheia). This 
neighborhood played a crucial role in demonstrations against austerity 
policies. During the 2008 riots, they were prominent figures in a month 
of intense protests, property destruction, and the occupation of schools 
and universities, paving the way for the radical uprisings of 
2010-2012.[50]In the United States, anarchists and libertarians were the 
main organizers of the Occupy Wall Street movement, which mobilized 
thousands in New York with the slogan "We are the 99%", questioning 
social inequality and the financialization of capitalism; this movement 
spread nationally and internationally.[51]

In Argentina, anarchists participated in the mass protests (Argentinazo) 
of 2001 and were the driving force behind various unemployed workers' 
movements (piqueteros) in Greater Buenos Aires.[52]In Chile, they were 
prominent in the student movement with the Libertarian Students Network 
(FEL) and contributed to several other significant movements, including 
the "Penguins" (school students) Revolution (2006) and 2019.[53]In 
Mexico, they participated in the Oaxaca Commune in 2006, occupying and 
controlling a section of the city for five months.[54]In Brazil, they 
played a significant role in the June 2013 transport protests that 
brought millions of people and the Black Bloc to the streets.[55]

North Africa, the Middle East, and Asia

Another success was the developments in less prominent regions. In North 
Africa, the Arab Spring marked the return of anarchism to the region 
with a feminist emphasis. In Egypt, the Libertarian Socialist Movement 
was founded in 2011; the Black Bloc attracted attention during the Cairo 
protests in 2013. In Tunisia, the Libertarian Partnerships group 
organized the Mediterranean Anarchists Meeting in 2015.[56]

In Israel, between 2003 and 2008, the Anarchists Against the Wall (AAW) 
participated in hundreds of demonstrations supporting the Palestinian 
cause, opposing the wars in Lebanon (2000) and Gaza (2008).[57]In 
Turkey, Revolutionary Anarchist Action was founded in 2007 and gained a 
significant presence through the merger of five collectives.[58]In 
Lebanon, there were organizations such as the Libertarian Communist 
Alternative and, more recently, the Kafeh movement. More recently, the 
Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran was established.[59]

In Asia, two significant experiments consolidated in the 2010s. The 
Bangladesh Anarchist Syndicalist Federation (BASF) had 10 federation 
groups and 1,000 members in 2019, almost half of whom were women.[60]In 
Indonesia, there was the Regional Workers' Brotherhood (Persaudaraan 
Pekerja Regional, PPR), a network operating in seven regions, and the 
more recently established Anarchist-Syndicalist Workers' Brotherhood 
(Persaudaraan Pekerja Anarko Sindikalis, PPAS).[61]

Rojava Revolution

In 2012, the Rojava Revolution emerged in northern Syria as a result of 
the Arab Spring, and it is the largest anti-authoritarian revolutionary 
movement of that period. This revolution is an attempt to build an 
ecological and multi-ethnic society with a self-governing economy, 
grassroots democracy (without a state, based on communes and councils), 
and women's liberation, against capitalism, the state, and patriarchy. 
It offers libertarian solutions in areas such as health, education, 
conflict resolution, and defense. Anarchists have a small influence 
through the theory of democratic confederalism (through the work of 
Murray Bookchin) and anarchist groups such as the International 
Revolutionary People's Guerrilla Forces (IRPGF, 2017-18) and the LGBT 
unit Queer Insurgency and Liberation Army (TQILA).[62]

Beyond Class Struggle

Many anarchist/syndicalist organizations have engaged in class-based 
struggles by mobilizing formal and informal workers, wage earners, and 
precarious workers. Many of these organizations are also concerned with 
issues such as ecology, anti-racism, anti-imperialism, feminism, etc. 
Simultaneously, other organizations, collectives, and affinity groups 
have dedicated themselves entirely to these issues.

For example, in the United States, there have been initiatives such as 
Earth First, the Earth Liberation Front, and animal rights groups 
promoting environmental struggles and veganism; movements such as the 
Anarchist People of Color (APOC), whose members include former Black 
Panthers, have been dedicated to fighting racism. In Colombia, the Alas 
de Xue collective, and in Mexico, the Oaxaca-Ricardo Flores Magón 
Indigenous Peoples Council (CIPO-RFM) and the Magonista Zapatista 
Alliance (AMZ) collective have highlighted the struggle against the 
oppression of indigenous peoples.[63]

In many countries, anarchists/syndicalists mobilized against US 
imperialism during the Gulf, Afghanistan and Iraq Wars. In Israel, 
AAW[Anarchists Against the Wall]contributed to the Palestinian national 
liberation struggle. In the Middle East and North Africa, there was a 
clear relationship with feminist struggles, as seen in other examples 
such as BAWU (Bangladesh Anarchist Syndicalist Women's Union), Mujeres 
Creando in Bolivia and the Revolutionary Anarchist Feminist Group (RAG) 
in Ireland. The latter two, and others such as Fag Army in Sweden, also 
supported struggles against homophobia and transphobia.[64]

Permanence, Regularity, and Organization

Regarding setbacks, anarchists in general have struggled to maintain the 
continuity of their organizational efforts. The most prominent examples 
are the Nigerian AL and the Sierra Leone IWW, which, despite their 
activities and numerous members in the late 1880s and early 1900s, 
disappeared without a trace. However, this situation was also 
experienced by countless other syndicalist and anarchist organizations. 
This fact was reinforced by the difficulties associated with the efforts 
undertaken. Perhaps the best-known example is the Global Justice 
Movement, which demonstrated a very low capacity for conducting daily 
and regular grassroots work by focusing its interventions on global days 
of action. Another setback was organizational problems. In my view, 
efforts against organization and the working methods of various 
organizations not only hindered the continuity and accumulation of 
efforts but also prevented them from making a sufficient impact on 
reality. Countries that exemplify this are the United States and Greece, 
which, despite having a large number of anarchists, failed to establish 
truly mass and effective organizations.

Capacity, Social Power and Influence

It seems to me that the period in question marked a significant 
transformation in the capacity of anarchists and syndicalists to 
(potentially) realize themselves, evolving into a real social force 
through their ability to participate in the actual struggle of the 
powers shaping society. However, the impact of this force was generally 
quite limited. With a few exceptions, this was the case in mass 
organizations and specific organizations in all countries; these 
organizations, despite participating in countless events and movements, 
only became the most significant political forces in a few instances. 
Despite their growth, anarchists and syndicalists faced difficulties in 
their attempts to spread and grow noticeably in regions with less 
established traditions.

Unresolved Dilemmas

Finally, as far as I understand, there are some unresolved practical and 
theoretical problems contributing to the aforementioned setbacks. 
Anarchists and syndicalists, despite their criticisms of liberal and 
other socialist currents, have struggled to find a solid middle ground 
between certain positions.[65]

Some examples include: the difference between 
fundamentalism/sectarianism and pragmatism, where 
fundamentalist/sectarian positions prevail in different situations, 
complicating growth and impact on reality; the difference between class 
and other forms of domination, where class reductionism, though not as 
widespread, has strongly permeated certain segments of society with 
forms of social liberal identity politics; the difference between 
discipline/commitment and non-commitmental autonomy, where avoiding 
authoritarian attitudes while neglecting determination and effectiveness 
in revolutionary struggle was common; the difference between democratism 
and federalist self-governance, where people often reject the grassroots 
delegation necessary for expressing collective decisions, advocating 
instead that everyone should decide everything ('democratism') and that 
all participants represent only themselves; the difference between 
theory and practice, positions rejecting important theoretical ideas, 
asserting that only practice matters and all answers are found in 
practice; and the difference between tactics and strategy, both 
characterized by a lack of strategic discussions and the substitution of 
tactics for strategies, or even the elevation of strategic/tactical 
issues to the status of principles. While demonstrating capacity for 
mobilization through demolition and reconstruction, protests and other 
actions against capitalist or state measures, they have failed to 
develop their own agendas and constructive alternatives to capitalism 
and the state.

History and Theory
Across the world, there has been a renewed interest in the history of 
anarchism, anarchist trade unionism, and revolutionary trade unionism, 
as well as in translations of classical and contemporary literature and 
theoretical discussions on various topics.

It is important to mention physical archives such as the Kate Sharpley 
Library, founded in England and later moved to the United States; the 
International Centre for Anarchist Research (CIRA) in Switzerland; the 
International Institute for Social History (IISH) in the Netherlands; 
the Bibliothek der Freien in Germany; and the Anarchistische Bibliothek 
in Austria, as well as online databases such as Libcom, Anarchist 
Library, and Zabalaza Books. ASN has numerous institutions and research 
networks, journals and articles, academic groups and meetings, including 
international conferences and the journal Anarchist Studies . There are 
also Anarchist Book Fairs (United States, Brazil, United Kingdom, 
Ireland, Hong Kong, etc.); publishing houses such as Jura Books 
(Australia), Freedom Press (United Kingdom), and Anarres (Argentina); 
journals such as Rivista Anarchica (Anarchist Magazine, Italy) and 
Ekintza Zuzena (Direct Action, Spain); and newspapers such as El 
Libertario ( Venezuela) and Class War ( United Kingdom). Numerous 
physical and online propaganda campaigns are being conducted, including 
through online news sources such as A-Infos.

Generally speaking, there have been efforts to reclaim the often 
neglected historical role and contributions of anarchists and 
syndicalists. In this process, particular attention has been paid to the 
colonial and postcolonial world (not just the North Atlantic axis), to 
the grassroots (not just the "big men"), and also to people of color, 
indigenous peoples, women, and LGBTQ+ individuals. Issues such as class, 
ecology, race/ethnicity, nationality, gender, and sexuality are 
increasingly discussed, often with the contributions of classical 
anarchists/syndicalists as starting points. Below are some interesting 
examples, which, of course, are far from representative of the entire 
output of this period.

Various studies have developed a concept of class intertwined with the 
concept of power, establishing a deep link between the ownership of the 
means of production (exploitation), the ownership of the means of 
management, control and coercion (political-bureaucratic domination and 
physical oppression), and the ownership of the means of knowledge 
production and dissemination (cultural-ideological hegemony), beyond the 
purely economic sphere. Thus, they investigate not only the phenomenon 
of power but also the relationship between the various forms of 
domination among social classes in the state-capitalist system.[66]

Others, working on ecological issues, have provided a critical account 
of the global environmental crisis and contributed to the development of 
solutions. In the case of deep ecology, there is a break with 
anthropocentrism, and it is accepted that all animals and plants have 
the right to coexist with humanity in an almost untouched natural 
environment. In the case of social ecology, it is understood that the 
roots of most environmental problems lie in society, and that the 
environmental crisis cannot be solved without a major transformation of 
contemporary capitalism and the imposition of ethical limits on human 
intervention in nature.[67]

Various authors have worked on issues related to race, ethnicity, and 
nationality. Some have advocated for concepts such as "black 
anarchism"[68]or "anarchist-native alliance"[69], while others have 
proposed ways to decolonize anarchism.[70]Beyond rediscovering the 
contributions of anarchists/syndicalists in this field, attention has 
been drawn to how racism is linked to the emergence of capitalism and 
the modern state, and how it has historically been used to divide the 
working class. Furthermore, imperialism has been conceptualized as a 
tool used by the ruling classes of oppressive countries to subjugate all 
classes of oppressed countries. In this sense, authors have argued that 
the struggle against racism, imperialism, and neocolonialism can only be 
waged on class, anti-state, and anti-capitalist grounds, that is, by 
opposing nationalism.[71]

Anarchist writings on gender and sexuality, highlighting the 
contributions of women and LGBTQ+ individuals, engage in a critical 
dialogue with other intellectual approaches (intersectionality, class 
and radical feminism, queer theory, etc.). These writings criticize not 
only anarchism/syndicalism, which, despite being opposed to all forms of 
domination, fails to overcome its own oppressive practices, but also 
transformative projects that focus on gender and sexuality. These 
writings examine the relationship between these issues and the 
capitalist and statist systems, as well as their relationship to classes 
and identities.[72]

Balance Sheet and Final Remarks
Anarchism and syndicalism have grown steadily since the 1990s and can 
now be considered a significant radical force. They[anarchists and 
syndicalists]have revived a political culture, however modest, capable 
of responding to the demands of new social movements and offering 
alternatives to social democracy and authoritarian socialism/communism. 
This revival has been spurred by emerging anti-authoritarian resistance 
and, in some places, facilitated by the pre-existence of active groups 
and individuals who "keep the fire burning" and become a point of 
reference for new generations.

Progress and setbacks, with greater or lesser impacts depending on the 
context, have led anarchist/syndicalist organizations to establish 
networks at international, national, regional, and local levels. While 
each macro-region has its own dynamics, they have gained a global 
presence. With some exceptions, anarchism and syndicalism tended to 
flourish more in urban and developed countries and regions than in rural 
and developing countries and regions. A certain level of democracy, 
literacy, and access to modern communication tools (e.g., the internet) 
was also important. Wars, communication isolation, extreme poverty, and 
authoritarian regimes (whether left or right) hindered their development.

In general, we should neither underestimate nor overestimate the role of 
anarchists/syndicalists during this period. Compared to other 
progressive forces (social democrats, Marxists, nationalists, 
autonomists), anarchists and syndicalists remained a minority force 
after 1990. They had a small but significant influence on struggles, 
movements, and organizations. In a few cases, they even had a strong or 
majority influence. However, overall, they did not become a dominant force.

There have been setbacks, defeats, and countless problems. However, 
notable gains and progress have also been made. Most importantly, these 
include the spread of concepts like direct democracy and horizontality, 
and critiques of vanguard parties; the strengthening of feminist 
struggles integrated into broader movements; the unionization of groups 
historically neglected by traditional unions (e.g., migrants, precarious 
workers, and prison staff); and direct contributions to urgent 
improvements, particularly in the areas of employment, housing, 
education, health, and rights in general.

Read More
Graham, Robert, Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas , 
Volumes II and I, The New Anarchism, 1974-2012 (Montreal and New York: 
Black Rose, 2013).
Hirsch, Steven and Lucien van der Walt, 'Final Thoughts: Shifts in 
Anarchist and Syndicalist Trajectories, From 1870 to the Present', in S. 
Hirsch and L. van der Walt (eds.), Anarchism and Syndicalism in the 
Colonial and Postcolonial World, 1870-1940 ( Leiden and Boston: Brill, 
2010), pp. 395-412.
Jun, Nathan (ed.), Brill's Companion to Anarchism and Philosophy (Leiden 
ve Boston: Brill, 2018).
Kinna, Ruth (ed.), Continuum Companion to Anarchism (London and New 
York: Continuum, 2012).
Van der Walt, Lucien, 'Back to the Future: The Revival, Significance and 
Path of the Anarchist/Syndicalist Approach for Twenty-First Century 
Left, Labor and National Liberation Movements', Journal of Contemporary 
African Studies 34, 3 (2016), pp. 348-67.
[1]D. Graeber, "The New Anarchists", New Left Review 2, 13 
(January-February 2002), pp. z1-73;

A. Grubacic, 'Toward s- another-anarchism' (2003), 
https://zcomm.org/znetarticle/toward s- 
another-anarchism-by-andrej-grubacic , last accessed May 3, 2020; A. 
Grubacic and

D. Graeber, "Anarchism, or the Revolutionary Movement of the 
Twenty-First Century" (2004), 
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/andrej-grubacic-david-graeber-anarchism-or-the-revolutionary-movement-of-the-twenty-first-centu 
, last accessed May 3, 2020;

U. Gordon, 'Anarchism reloaded', Journal of Political Ideologies 12, 1 
(Subat 2007), s. 29-48; U. Gordon, Anarchy Alive! Anti-Authoritarian 
Politics from Practice to Theory ( London: Pluto Press, 2008); T. 
Ibáñez, Anarquismo en movimiento. Anarquismo, neoanarquismo y 
postanarquismo ( Buenos Aires: Anarres, 2014).

[2]As David Graeber argues, consensus is not an anarchist principle. 
Both in the past and present, all over the world, consensus has been 
just one of the decision-making mechanisms of anarchists and trade 
unionists; voting procedures (e.g., majority or two-thirds) have been 
and still are widely used.

[3]  L. van der Walt, "Global anarchism and syndicalism: theory, 
history, resistance", Anarchist Studies 24, 1 (2016), pp. 85-106.

[4]F. Corrêa, Black Flag. Rethinking anarchism (Curitiba: Prismas, 2015).

[5]S. Hirsch and L. van der Walt, "Final Thoughts: Changes in Anarchist 
and Syndicalist Trajectories, 1940 to Present", in S. Hirsch and L. van 
der Walt (eds.), Anarchism and Syndicalism in the Colonial and 
Postcolonial World, 1870-1940 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 395-412.

[6]PJ Taylor, "The crisis of movements: the collaborating state", 
Antipode 23, 2 (April 1991), pp. 214-28.

[7]Age; L. van der Walt, 'Back to the Future: The Revival, Significance 
and Path of the Anarchist/Syndicalist Approach for Twenty-First Century 
Left, Labor and National Liberation Movements', Journal of Contemporary 
African Studies 34, 3 (2016), pp. 348-67.

[8]N. Chomsky, Important Profits from People: Neoliberalism and the 
Global Order (New York: Seven Stories, 1999).

[9]M. Chossudovsky, The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order 
(Montreal and Quebec: Global Research, 2003); D. Harvey, A Short History 
of Neoliberalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); L. Dowbor, The 
Age of Inefficient Capital: New Architectures of Power (Newcastle upon 
Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2019).

[10]M. Bray, ANTIFA: The Anti-Fascist Handbook (New York and London: 
Melville House, 2017).

[11]C. Tilly and L. Wood, Social Movements, 1768-2008 ( Boulder and 
London: Routledge, 2009); Harvey, A Short History of Neoliberalism; I. 
Ness (ed.), New Forms of Workers Organizing: The Syndicalist and 
Autonomous Restoration of Class Struggle Unionism ( Oakland, CA: PM 
Press, 2014).

[12]Tilly and Wood, Social Movements; Chomsky, Profit That Matters More 
Than People.

[13]Van der Walt, "Back to the Future".

[14]ICL-CIT, "International Confederation of Labour Statutes" (2018), 
www.icl-cit.org/statutes , last accessed 3 May 2020.

[15]  IWA-AIT, "Statutes of Revolutionary Trade Unionism (IWA)" (2020), 
https://iwa-ait.org/content/statutes , last accessed 3 May 2020.

[16]FAF, 'Basic Principles/Associative Pact of the Anarchist Federation' 
(2016), https://federation-anarchiste.org/?g=FA_Principes_de_Base , son 
erisim tarihi 3 Mayis 2020.

[17]FAI, 'Patto Associativo della Federazione Anarchica Italiana - FAI' 
(date not specified), http://feder 
azioneanarchica.org/archivio/patto.html , last accessed 3 May 2020.

[18]FAF, 'Basic Principles'.

[19]

[20]2o FAU, 'Declaration of Principles of FAU' (1993), 
http://federacionanarquistauruguaya .uy/declaracion-de-principios-de-fau 
, are published on May 3, 2020.

[21]ZACF, 'Constitution of the ZACF' (2013), 
https://zabalaza.net/organise/constitution-of-the-zacf/ , last accessed 
3 May 2020 .

[22]FdCA, 'Political Organization' (1985), 
www.fdca.it/fdcaen/organization/sdf/sdf_po.htm , last accessed 3 May 2020.

[23]FAInformale, 'Premier Communiqué de la FAI' (2004), 
http://apa.online.free.fr/imprimer sans.php3? id_article=237& 
nom_site=Agence%2oPresse%2oAssociative%2o( APA)&url_si 
te=http://apa.online.free.fr, son erisim tarihi 3 Mayis 2020.

[24]Killing King Abacus, Some Notes on Insurrectionary Anarchism (Santa 
Cruz, CA: KKA, 2007).

[25]Do or Die, 'Insurrectionary Anarchy!', Do or Die 1o (2003).

[26]Between 1990 and 2019, IWW attempted to become an international 
network. Besides the United States and Canada, it had smaller 
confederations in the United Kingdom, Germany, Finland, Iceland, Russia, 
Poland, Sierra Leone, Uganda, Australia and New Zealand. See F. Thompson 
and J. Bekken, The Industrial Workers of the World: Its First 100 Years 
( Cincinnati: IWW, 2006).

[27]L. Akai, 'Why Do We Need a Third International?' (2016), 
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/laure-akai-why-do-we-need-a-third-international, 
son erisim tarihi 3 Mayis 2020;

[28]CNT-F, 'International Trade Union Conferences - io7' (2007), 
www.anarkismo.net/article/yq3q , son erisim tarihi 3 Mayis 2020.

[29]See https://ifa.org/members , last accessed 3 May 2020.

[30](Translator's note) Contrary to what is stated in the text, 
Revolutionary Anarchist Activity (DAF), which existed in Turkey until 
2021, was not a Platformist/Especialist organization. They did not 
define themselves as such; nor did they have an organizational 
understanding that had theoretical, strategic and tactical unity and 
where the principle of collective responsibility was valid. Furthermore, 
they did not have defined organizational mechanisms. Due to its lack of 
structure and clear principles, undefined leaders emerged within DAF; 
and finally, in November 2021, DAF dissolved itself as a result of 
revelations about the violence, harassment and abuse perpetrated against 
numerous individuals within the organization by those in the position of 
the organization's unnamed "leaders".

No. 
https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2021/11/04/devrimci-anarsist-federasyon-ile-ilgili-ifsalar-hakkinda/

[31]See http://anarkismo.net/about_us , last accessed 3 May 2020

[32]FAInformale, 'Four Years ... Document of the FAI Meeting aq Years 
from its Birth' (2ooz), 
www.sebbenchesiamodonne.it/quattro-anni-dicembre-2ooz-documento-incontro-federazione- 
anarchica-informale-aq-anni-dalla-nascita, born on 3 May 2020; 
FAInformale/FRI, 'Don't Say We Are Few' (2011), 
www.sebbenchesiamodonne.it /non-dite-che-siamo-pochi/ , born on 3 May 2020.

[33]EZLN, Ya Basta! Ten Years of the Zapatista Uprising (Oakland, CA: AK 
Press, 2004); J. Vidal, 'Mexico's Zapatista Rebels Continue to Resist in 
Mountain Fortresses 24 Years Later',

[34]PGA , 'PGA Bulletin, no. 0' (1997), 
www.nadir.org/nadir/initiativ/agp/en/pgainfos/bulletino.htm , last 
accessed 3 May 2020

[35]N. Ludd, Urgency of the Streets. Black Bloc, Reclaim the Streets and 
the Global Days of Action (São Paulo: Conrad, 2002); B. Epstein, 
'Anarchism and the anti-globalization movement', Monthly Review 53, 4 
(Eylül 2001), pp. 1-14; Gordon, Anarchy Alive!

[36]E. Giraud, "Has radical participatory online media really "failed"? 
Indymedia and its legacy", Convergence: International Research Journal 
of New Media Technologies 20, 4 (2014), pp. 419-37.

[37]Bray, ANTIFA.

[38](Translator's note) The meaning of the word abolition is the 
complete elimination of a practice; historically, this word has come to 
mean the abolition of slavery. For this reason, movements opposed to 
slavery have called themselves abolitionist for several centuries.

[39]ABC, 'Starting an Anarchist Black Cross Group: A Guide' (2018), 
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/anarchist-black-cross-starting-an-anarchist-black-cross-group-a-guide 
, last accessed 3 May 2020.

[40]F. Dupuis-Déri, Who's Afraid of the Black Blocs? Anarchy in Action 
Around the World (Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2014).

[41]J. Donaghey, "Bakunin brand vodka: a study on anarchist-punk and 
punk-anarchism", Anarchist Developments in Cultural Studies 1 (2013), 
pp. 138-70.

[42]For more comprehensive and detailed information about these 
achievements and events, you can find a file with more extensive source 
references in various languages at 
https://ithanarquista.wordpress.com/contemporary-anarchism , among other 
bibliographic sources . You can also look at the "Further Reading" section.

[43]José Maria Olaizola (former CGT general secretary), interview, 
Felipe Corrêa, Madrid, June 2020; Sandra Iriarte Massoulard (current CGT 
international relations secretary), interview, Felipe Corrêa, Madrid, 
August 2020.

[44]Thompson ve Bekken, The Industrial Workers of the World, s. 209-37.

[45]S. Mbah and IE Igariwey, African Anarchism: A Study of the Theory 
and Practice of Anarchism in Africa (Cape Town: Bolo'bolo, 2014), pp. 64-6.

[46]IWW Sierra Leone, 'Letters' (1997), www.struggle.ws/africa/west.html 
, last accessed 3 May 2020.

[47]FAG, FAG 2nd year. Rooting anarchism with struggle and organization 
(Porto Alegre: Deriva, 2015).

[48]See https://pt.crimethinc.com/about , last accessed May 3, 2020; 
www.akpress.org/about.html , last accessed May 3, 2020; 
https://blog.pmpress.org/about/ , last accessed May 3, 2020; 
www.fifthestate.org , last accessed May 3, 2020; 
https://anarchiststudies.org

[49]Bkz. https://federation-anarchiste.org, last accessed 3 May 2020.

[50]R. Vasilaki, '"We are an image of the future": Reading the Athens 
2008 uprisings retrospectively', Acta Scientiarum, Education 39, 2 
(April-June 2017), pp. 153-61.

[51]M. Bray, Translating Anarchy: The Anarchism of Occupy Wall Street 
(Winchester, United Kingdom and Washington, DC: Zero Books, 2013), p. 4

[52]N. Diaz, Anarchism in the Piquetero Movement (Neuquén: Kuruf, 2019).

[53]Scott Nappalos, 'Interview with Felipe Ramírez, from the FEL of 
Chile' (2012), www .anarkismo. net/article/2q1qy , son erisim tarihi 3 
Mayis 2o2o; Pablo Abufom, 'The Six Months that Transformed Chile' 
(2020), www.anarkismo. net/article/31771 , they are erisim tarihi 3 May 2020

[54]Sérgio Sánchez, 'Anarchy and Libertarian Currents in the Oaxacan 
Insurrectionary Movement' (2007), 
https://kaosenlared.net/anarqu-ay-corrientes-libertarias-en-el-movimiento-insurreccional-oaxaque-o/ 
, son erisim tarihi 3 Mayis 2020.

[55]W. de Moraes, 2013. Revolt of the governed (Rio de Janeiro: WSM, 2018).

[56]L. Galián, 'Squares, Occupation Movements and the Arab Revolutions', 
in C. Levy and M. Adams (eds.), The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism 
(London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2019), pp. 715-32.

[57]In U. Gordon and O. Grietzer (eds.), Anarchists Against the Wall: 
Direct Action and Solidarity with the Palestinian People's Struggle 
(Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2013), pp. 5-38.

[58]CW, 'Building Autonomy in Turkey and Kurdistan: Interview with 
Revolutionary Anarchist Activity' (2015), 
www.opendemocracy.net/en/north-africa-west-asia/building-autonomy-in-turkey-and-kurdistan-interview-with-revolutionar/ 
, last accessed 3 May 2020

[59]Enough Is Enough 14, 'Interview with the Anarchist Movement in 
Lebanon #Kafeh' (2020), 
https://enoughisenough1q.org/2o2o/o2/o7/interview-with-kafeh-anarchist-movement-in-lebanon/ 
, last accessed 3 May 2020; A Las Barricadas, 'Interview with the 
Anarchist Union of Afghanistan and Iran ' (date not specified), 
https://enoughisenough1q.org/2o18/oz/1y/a-las-barricadas-interview-with-the-anarchist-union-of-afghanistan-iran 
, last accessed 3 May 2020.

[60]BASF, 'Questions and Answers with BASF' (2018), 
https://bangladeshasf.com/question-answers-with-basf/ , last accessed 3 
May 2020.

[61]V. Damier and K. Limanov, "Anarchism in Indonesia" (2017), 
https://libcom.org/library/short-essay-about-history-anarchism-indonesia 
, last accessed 3 May 2020; V. Damier and K. Limanov, 'History of 
Anarchism in Malaya/Singapore/Malaysia' (2017), 
https://libcom.org/library/history-anarchism-malaya-singapore-malaysia , 
last accessed 3 May 2020.

[62]Editorial Descontrol (ed.), The Ignored Revolution. Women's 
Liberation, Direct Democracy, and Radical Pluralism in the Middle East 
(Barcelona: Descontrol, 2016).

[63]See http://www.earthfirst.org , last accessed 3 May 2020; 
www.originalelf.com/earthlib.htm , last accessed 3 May 2020; 
www.coloursofresistance.org/tag/anarchist-people-of-color , last 
accessed 3 May 2020; 
https://ithanarquista.files.wordpress.com/2o2o/o8/alasdexue.pdf, last 
accessed 3 May 2020; www.nodoyo.org/cipo , last accessed 3 May 2020; 
https://zapateando2.wordpress.com/2ooz/12/1q/laalianza-magonista-zapatista-se-deslinda-del-cipo-rfm/ 
, last accessed 3 May 2020 .

[64]Gordon and Grietzer ( editors), Anarchists Against the Wall , pp. 
5-38; BASF, 'Questions and Answers'; http://mujerescreando.org , last 
accessed 3 May 2020; http://ragdublin.blogspot.com , last accessed 3 May 
2020; https://blog.shops-net.com/2z72çqz1/1/que er-anarchism.html , last 
accessed 3 May 2020.

[65]JAG Danton, Problems and possibilities of anarchism (São Paulo: 
Faísca, 2011); F. Corrêa, 'Critical assessment of the People's Global 
Action', H. Parra ve digerleri (der.), Movements in motion (São Paulo: 
Independente, 2013), pp. 215-19, 227-31, 247-55, 257-67, 269-75, 289-302.

[66]A. Errandonea, Sociologia de la dominación (Montevideo ve Buenos 
Aires: Nordan ve Tupac, 1989); CAB, 'Nossa concepção de poder popular', 
Socialismo Libertário 1, 2012; CAB, 'Capitalismo, estado, luta de 
classes e violência', Socialismo Libertário q, 2020.

[67]M. Bookchin et al., Deep Ecology and Anarchism: A Polemic (London: 
Freedom Press, 1997); M. Bookchin, 'What is Social Ecology?' (1993), 
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/murray-bookchin-what-is-social-ecology-1 
, last accessed 3 May 2020

[68]LK Ervin, 'Anarchism and the Black Revolution' (1993), 
https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/lorenzo-kom-boa-ervin-anarchism-and-the-black-revolution 
, last accessed 3 May 2020.

[69]Alas de Xue, 'Anarchist-Native Alliance', Protesta! 3, 2006.

[70]M. Ramnath, Decolonizing Anarchism (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2011).

[71]ZACF, 'Fighting and Defeating Racism' (2010), 
https://zabalaza.net/2o1o/11/28/fighting-and-defeating-racism-zacf/ , 
last accessed 3 May 2020; ZACF, 'Anti-Imperialism and National 
Liberation' (2010), 
https://zabalaza.net/2o1o/11/28/anti-imperialism-and-national-liberation-zacf/, 
last accessed 3 May 2020

[72]Dark Star (ed.), Quiet Rumors: An Anarcha-Feminist Reader (Oakland, 
CA: AK Press, 2002); C. B. Darring et al., Queering Anarchism: 
Addressing and Undressing Power and Desire (Oakland, CA: AK Press, 2012).

Translation: Earth Post

Kaynak: The Cambridge History of Socialism Volume 1

https://www.yeryuzupostasi.org/2025/12/20/anarsizm-ve-sendikalizmin-kuresel-yeniden-uyanisi-felipe-correa/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S  N E W S  S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en