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(en) Spaine, Regeneracion: Ten Years After the Kobane Massacre in Syria and the Internationalist Struggle Against Daesh By Angel Malatesta (ca, de, it, pt, tr) [machine translation]

Date Thu, 7 Aug 2025 09:07:02 +0300


At the end of June 2015, Daesh launched a vengeful and extremely cruel attack against the Kurdish city of Kobane, which had resisted its offensive for months. Once the northern Syrian canton was liberated in Rojava, Daesh mercenaries entered the city and detonated a car bomb, in addition to firing indiscriminately from three different positions within the city. This resulted in the deaths of 223 civilians and 35 Kurdish fighters; while 92 members of the Islamic State were eliminated. All international attention and the attention of the anti-fascist resistance were focused on the Kurdish people and the strength they had gained through their temporary autonomy in the context of the Syrian War.

Another sad but heroic date was marked in the calendar of the Kurdish revolution, an organized people who had been resisting for decades and who, three years earlier, had taken a step forward in their historic commitment to a transformation based on democratic confederalism. Ten years earlier, one of the greatest internationalist feats of struggle against fascism, on par with other revolutions and guerrilla movements of the previous century, had also been completed: the Battle of Kobane.

However, Kurdish autonomy was sustained by a very thin thread, amidst the ever-contradictory current balances of geopolitics and the positioning of world powers. This situation has changed since the end of the Syrian conflict and the new government in Damascus led by Hay'at Tharir al-Sham (HTS), an authoritarian Islamist faction that overthrew the regime of Bashar al-Assad, an ally of the Turkish government, and a belligerent against the Kurdish-majority SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) and its autonomous administration. However, we will analyze this in other articles, relying on texts received through our sister organization, also specialized in Syria, Tekosîna Anarsîst, which is rooted in Rojava.

"They Shall Not Pass" resounds in Rojava. The resistance against Daesh in Kobane.

Between 2011 and 2012, the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) were formed in Syria, along with the YPJ (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin), which were protection units made up of women. In the context of the Syrian War, these were the Kurdish forces defending their people and confronting Daesh in a war that began very unevenly, involving 60,000 Rojava militiamen and women. The advance of the Islamic State had met with no resistance; even Al-Qaeda had a Syrian branch known as Al-Nusra, integrated among the Syrian rebels fighting against the official regime of Bashar al-Assad. Powers such as the US, Russia, and Turkey had not yet deployed their full weapons and geostrategic capabilities, which they would begin to develop shortly afterward, although operations were already underway in the region through the International Coalition against the Islamic State, which would later become very active.

In July 2012, the city of Kobane had come under the control of Kurdish entities that began a process of autonomy in northern Syria. However, since January 2014, the drinking water supply was severely damaged when Daesh captured the border town of Jarabulus, while in July of that same year the siege tightened, leaving a large part of the territory completely besieged by Daesh. In this context, Daesh began its advance in mid-September 2014, capturing dozens of towns in the Kobane canton and displacing thousands of Kurdish civilians toward the Turkish border in a life-or-death situation. On September 20, Daesh was just 15 kilometers from the city of Kobane, and 45,000 refugees crossed the border into Turkey. In the following days, Daesh's advance continued, as they began shelling the eastern and southern areas of Kobane with tank artillery, leading to the first urban clashes. By September 24, the number of refugees crossing the Turkish border had reached 130,000 civilians. The YPG/YPJ resistance received reinforcements crossing from the Turkish border in early October. They also fought against PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) militants, the Peshmerga of the Kurdish Regional Government in Iraq, and battalions of the International Liberation Brigade—brigades made up of anarcho-communists, Marxists, trade unionists, and even an LGBTQ+ group.

By October 4, the entire city had been evacuated, and was empty except for the defending forces who would put up resistance.
Faced with the advance of Daesh, these forces had withdrawn from the outer neighborhoods to the city center, ready to fight house to house. In about five days, more than 40% of the city had been taken by Daesh, but in mid-October, the Kurdish counteroffensive began. The International Coalition's bombings broke some supply lines for convoys and tanks on the outskirts of Kobane, while Kurdish forces received materials, ammunition, and heavy weapons to counterattack from the hills west of the city. This shifting balance of forces was key in early November, when urban terrain began to be won in street fighting against Daesh, and hundreds of the approximately 10,000 fighters used by Daesh were eliminated. The Kurdish forces numbered about 2,500 fighters and lost more than 500.

The advance that autumn of 2014 was unstoppable, and although Daesh was slowly expelled from the city of Kobane, this objective was achieved in late January 2015, when the second phase of the offensive began, recapturing hundreds of towns in the Kobane canton in just three months as they pushed south from Kurdish forces and liberated the entire eastern bank of the Euphrates River.

Daesh revenge and the terrorist attack on Kobane.

At dawn on Thursday, June 25, 2015, a group of nearly 100 Daesh mercenaries managed to infiltrate the city of Kobane disguised as Kurdish and Free Syrian Army militiamen. The stage for the massacre was set for the attacks that would take place that day. These Daesh mercenaries detonated a car bomb inside the city at a busy intersection near the Turkish border crossing. They entrenched themselves in three prominent positions, opening fire on the civilian population and holding dozens hostage for a day and a half. Kurdish forces quickly protected the population, recommending they remain in their homes while a rapid response was launched to repel the attack.

This Daesh attack was well-organized and demonstrated relevant background information, as it occurred during a week in which there was a smaller contingent of Kurdish forces in the city. It was a response to a situation that had become unbearable for Daesh, with the continued retreat of its positions and the risk of completely losing contact with the Turkish border, which gave it access to resources, materiel, and mercenaries trained in Türkiye. Daesh wanted to terrorize the local Kurdish population to empty the city and launch a larger offensive to recapture it, to control the border territory toward Jarabulus and also to halt the southern offensive against the city of Raqqa, cutting off its rearguard bases.

The week before these attacks, Daesh had suffered significant setbacks, having managed to liberate the border town of Tell Abyad in northeastern Syria. Kurdish forces had also captured Ain Issa, about fifty kilometers from Raqqa, a Daesh stronghold at the time. It was these defeats that led them to hatch this vengeful but strategically thought-out plan to undermine the Kurdish position in what had been the heart of their resistance.

However, Daesh once again found itself up against the determination of the Kurds and their self-defense forces. Throughout the day of June 25th and into the following day, clashes raged again in the streets of Kobane to eliminate the mercenaries who had entered the city to spread terror. A school where a final contingent of Daesh mercenaries had barricaded themselves had even had to be blown up, once it was confirmed that no hostages remained. The Kurdish YPG recaptured control of Kobane, combing street after street to ensure that no Daesh mercenaries remained hidden. The overall death toll was more than 200 civilians killed in their own homes or at close range in the streets of Kobane, and another 20 were later found dead in a nearby town at the start of the assault. In the canton of Cizîrê, Daesh also attacked the city of Hasaka, where it took control of two neighborhoods, but the attack was quickly met with a favorable response from Kurdish forces in combat.

A few days later, Turkish President Recep Erdogan attempted to clean up his image by speaking out against Daesh and rejecting the claims that clearly accused him of strengthening it vis-à-vis the Kurdish administration. On the other hand, ten years ago, Turkey was already directly threatening a ground invasion of Syrian Kurdistan, which would ultimately occur in 2018.
One consequence of these Daesh attacks in Kobane and the counteroffensive that would be organized in the fall of the following year was the creation of the SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces), an alliance of mainly Kurdish militias, but with Arab, Syrian, Turkmen, Assyrian, and Armenian members. From then until today, they have been the military forces fighting for a secular, democratic, and federal Syria, embodying the principles of Kurdish democratic confederalism.

A territory where pieces on the geopolitical chessboard have been shifting for months and where the Kurds are trying to reposition themselves by defending their project of political autonomy. And a political space where we revolutionary anarchists must do an immeasurable amount of balance and analysis, clarifying which paths, tools, and strategies add up, and another exercise in self-criticism about which paths we have allowed to be romanticized to such an extent that they prevent us from seeing a truly combative horizon internationally against capitalism.

Ángel Malatesta, Liza activist

https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2025/07/08/a-diez-anos-de-la-masacre-de-kobane-en-siria-y-la-lucha-internacionalista-contra-daesh/
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