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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #27-26 - A fair wage for whom? (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Sat, 31 Oct 2026 07:58:51 +0200


On June 24, the "fair wage" decree became law. Alongside other measures, the provision directly affects wage levels and-indirectly-income and the way collective bargaining is conducted, placing further tools in the hands of capitalists to manipulate the labor market to their own advantage. ----Once again, we are faced with a measure that reinforces the government's role in the authoritarian control of society, while simultaneously drawing the discontent of broad segments of the population upon that very government. At the same time, the measure reveals the government's true function as an instrument of the bourgeoisie's thirst for profit, demonstrating in practice the validity of the anarchist critique of the current societal model-a model based on the political and economic domination of a small, privileged minority.

The working class and exploited classes have nothing to expect from these institutions and their representatives; only their own autonomous and unified organization-grounded in self-organization and direct action-can counter the continuous deterioration of living and working conditions. At the same time, this organization can lay the groundwork for a new societal structure that transcends the regime of private property and abolishes all forms of government.

Furthermore, through the initial decree and its subsequent enactment into law, the government disrupts the hierarchy of legal sources upon which labor law is based. This hierarchy places the Constitution first, followed by ordinary laws, and then collective bargaining; notably, the latter cannot override the mandates established by the Constitution and ordinary laws. The text approved by Parliament instead establishes a sort of primacy for collective bargaining between the parties: all reference to the free and dignified life-which the Constitution expressly mandates be ensured by the remuneration paid for one's labor-has vanished. This provision is replaced by a reference to the overall remuneration package defined by National Collective Labor Agreements (CCNL) signed by the most representative employers' associations and trade unions at the national level.

The subordinate relationship binding the employee to the employer-a factor that once justified State intervention in the employment relationship (an intervention, admittedly, always aimed at maintaining that very subordination)-is now masked by the contractual relationship, which becomes the basis for the remuneration of those selling their labor.

This marks a return to a liberal approach-one that had already been superseded in rhetoric by Fascist corporatism, a shift later enshrined in the Republican Constitution and established as standard practice following the struggles of the "Hot Autumn."

The complete abandonment of workers' wages to the discretion of capitalists is further underscored by the choices made by the major confederated trade unions. With their latest proposal for a framework agreement on inter-confederation relations, the CGIL, CISL, and UIL have completely capitulated to the demands of employers and the government. Accepting the IPCA-NEI index as the benchmark for nominal wage increases amounts to abandoning the defense of purchasing power-and, by extension, the living standards of millions of workers and their families. As if these unions would ever consider redistributing income to benefit the most disadvantaged social groups at the expense of profits! The link between the trade union bureaucracy and the state apparatus is inevitable: their primary source of revenue is not the dues of members active in the workforce, but rather contributions from pensioners and fees for social welfare assistance services. Furthermore, the major representative unions are the direct heirs of the Fascist unions; from them, they inherited a subordination to the political establishment-a stance justified in various yet converging ways by union bureaucracies of Socialist-Communist, Catholic, and Republican leanings.

The process of establishing a Fascist regime-currently underway in Italy-can only benefit from the acquiescence of the CGIL, CISL, and UIL.

The well-being of the exploited classes, their material and moral advancement, and their emancipation lie in their own hands-in their ability to unite and create stable organizations under their direct control, independent of political parties and institutions, based on the principles of self-organization and direct action.

For years, the Italian Anarchist Federation has identified the embryo of this type of organization within rank-and-file unionism. However, these unions are composed of activists-some trained within bureaucratic unions, others influenced by agitators who favor authoritarian practices-and their rank-and-file members are accustomed to delegating authority rather than taking direct control of the organization meant to defend them. All of this inevitably leads to the replication of the very same flaws found in bureaucratic unionism within the rank-and-file movement.

Moreover, the Federation's decision to embrace rank-and-file unionism has not been matched by a sustained, consistent commitment to championing the practices of direct action and self-organization. At times, the Federation has even backed decisions made by the leadership of these unions to serve immediate political goals, without sufficiently fostering the development of grassroots struggle among workers. I am thinking, for instance, of the general strike during the Genoa G8 summit or certain general strikes against the war.

The Italian Anarchist Federation, however, is in a position to make a decisive contribution to fostering the unity, autonomy, and organization of the exploited classes.

Linking nominal incomes to the ISTAT price index for blue- and white-collar households (the FOI index); demanding the abolition of VAT on the goods and services included in that index; and opposing the 35 billion euros the government intends to spend on war and energy multinationals-these are issues that can be championed both within rank-and-file unions and in broader grassroots organizing, through leafleting, pickets, and demonstrations. Added to this must be training in methods of organization and struggle aimed at developing libertarian trade union militants who can transform the structures of grassroots unions from within.

The cause of working-class emancipation, the abolition of private property, and social revolution stands to gain immensely from the struggle for immediate improvements and from the growth of the united, autonomous organization of the exploited classes.

The experience of the Spanish Revolution-the ninetieth anniversary of which falls this year-serves as a reminder: the defeat of the fascist coup of July 19, 1936, and the achievements of workers and peasants in the months that followed would not have been possible without the existence of an autonomous class organization and, within it, the organization of a conscious minority inspired by anarchist ideals. This lesson remains relevant today-against solipsistic wreckers and authoritarians, as well as against rising fascism.

Tiziano Antonelli

https://umanitanova.org/salario-giusto-per-chi/
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