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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #27-26 - A fair wage for whom? (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Sat, 31 Oct 2026 07:58:51 +0200
On June 24, the "fair wage" decree became law. Alongside other measures,
the provision directly affects wage levels and-indirectly-income and the
way collective bargaining is conducted, placing further tools in the
hands of capitalists to manipulate the labor market to their own
advantage. ----Once again, we are faced with a measure that reinforces
the government's role in the authoritarian control of society, while
simultaneously drawing the discontent of broad segments of the
population upon that very government. At the same time, the measure
reveals the government's true function as an instrument of the
bourgeoisie's thirst for profit, demonstrating in practice the validity
of the anarchist critique of the current societal model-a model based on
the political and economic domination of a small, privileged minority.
The working class and exploited classes have nothing to expect from
these institutions and their representatives; only their own autonomous
and unified organization-grounded in self-organization and direct
action-can counter the continuous deterioration of living and working
conditions. At the same time, this organization can lay the groundwork
for a new societal structure that transcends the regime of private
property and abolishes all forms of government.
Furthermore, through the initial decree and its subsequent enactment
into law, the government disrupts the hierarchy of legal sources upon
which labor law is based. This hierarchy places the Constitution first,
followed by ordinary laws, and then collective bargaining; notably, the
latter cannot override the mandates established by the Constitution and
ordinary laws. The text approved by Parliament instead establishes a
sort of primacy for collective bargaining between the parties: all
reference to the free and dignified life-which the Constitution
expressly mandates be ensured by the remuneration paid for one's
labor-has vanished. This provision is replaced by a reference to the
overall remuneration package defined by National Collective Labor
Agreements (CCNL) signed by the most representative employers'
associations and trade unions at the national level.
The subordinate relationship binding the employee to the employer-a
factor that once justified State intervention in the employment
relationship (an intervention, admittedly, always aimed at maintaining
that very subordination)-is now masked by the contractual relationship,
which becomes the basis for the remuneration of those selling their labor.
This marks a return to a liberal approach-one that had already been
superseded in rhetoric by Fascist corporatism, a shift later enshrined
in the Republican Constitution and established as standard practice
following the struggles of the "Hot Autumn."
The complete abandonment of workers' wages to the discretion of
capitalists is further underscored by the choices made by the major
confederated trade unions. With their latest proposal for a framework
agreement on inter-confederation relations, the CGIL, CISL, and UIL have
completely capitulated to the demands of employers and the government.
Accepting the IPCA-NEI index as the benchmark for nominal wage increases
amounts to abandoning the defense of purchasing power-and, by extension,
the living standards of millions of workers and their families. As if
these unions would ever consider redistributing income to benefit the
most disadvantaged social groups at the expense of profits! The link
between the trade union bureaucracy and the state apparatus is
inevitable: their primary source of revenue is not the dues of members
active in the workforce, but rather contributions from pensioners and
fees for social welfare assistance services. Furthermore, the major
representative unions are the direct heirs of the Fascist unions; from
them, they inherited a subordination to the political establishment-a
stance justified in various yet converging ways by union bureaucracies
of Socialist-Communist, Catholic, and Republican leanings.
The process of establishing a Fascist regime-currently underway in
Italy-can only benefit from the acquiescence of the CGIL, CISL, and UIL.
The well-being of the exploited classes, their material and moral
advancement, and their emancipation lie in their own hands-in their
ability to unite and create stable organizations under their direct
control, independent of political parties and institutions, based on the
principles of self-organization and direct action.
For years, the Italian Anarchist Federation has identified the embryo of
this type of organization within rank-and-file unionism. However, these
unions are composed of activists-some trained within bureaucratic
unions, others influenced by agitators who favor authoritarian
practices-and their rank-and-file members are accustomed to delegating
authority rather than taking direct control of the organization meant to
defend them. All of this inevitably leads to the replication of the very
same flaws found in bureaucratic unionism within the rank-and-file movement.
Moreover, the Federation's decision to embrace rank-and-file unionism
has not been matched by a sustained, consistent commitment to
championing the practices of direct action and self-organization. At
times, the Federation has even backed decisions made by the leadership
of these unions to serve immediate political goals, without sufficiently
fostering the development of grassroots struggle among workers. I am
thinking, for instance, of the general strike during the Genoa G8 summit
or certain general strikes against the war.
The Italian Anarchist Federation, however, is in a position to make a
decisive contribution to fostering the unity, autonomy, and organization
of the exploited classes.
Linking nominal incomes to the ISTAT price index for blue- and
white-collar households (the FOI index); demanding the abolition of VAT
on the goods and services included in that index; and opposing the 35
billion euros the government intends to spend on war and energy
multinationals-these are issues that can be championed both within
rank-and-file unions and in broader grassroots organizing, through
leafleting, pickets, and demonstrations. Added to this must be training
in methods of organization and struggle aimed at developing libertarian
trade union militants who can transform the structures of grassroots
unions from within.
The cause of working-class emancipation, the abolition of private
property, and social revolution stands to gain immensely from the
struggle for immediate improvements and from the growth of the united,
autonomous organization of the exploited classes.
The experience of the Spanish Revolution-the ninetieth anniversary of
which falls this year-serves as a reminder: the defeat of the fascist
coup of July 19, 1936, and the achievements of workers and peasants in
the months that followed would not have been possible without the
existence of an autonomous class organization and, within it, the
organization of a conscious minority inspired by anarchist ideals. This
lesson remains relevant today-against solipsistic wreckers and
authoritarians, as well as against rising fascism.
Tiziano Antonelli
https://umanitanova.org/salario-giusto-per-chi/
_________________________________________
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(en) Italy, UCADI, #212 - Germany's irreversible crisis (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
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