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(en) Brazil, CAB: SITUATION ANALYSIS - CAB - SEPTEMBER 2026 (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 19 Oct 2026 08:09:48 +0300
We advocate for a program of struggle that does not trade its class
independence for positions, favors, or pro-government agendas. As a
small but resolute force of resistance standing with the oppressed and
exploited, we will continue-as always-to participate in struggles rising
from below, remaining outside the government and free from collaboration
with the bosses. Regarding the current situation we are entering, we aim
to build practical solutions alongside those who fight, without losing
sight of our libertarian and socialist vision, and guided by the
conviction that we can expect nothing other than what comes from the
people themselves.
THE CRISIS OF BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY
The political landscape in Brazil bears an open wound. As anarchists, we
must press upon this wound and foster a different political imagination,
championing agendas that challenge the established system. Bourgeois
democracy-historically the most effective mechanism for mediating class
conflict-is showing clear signs of exhaustion within the current stage
of crisis-ridden capitalism. The symptoms are visible to all: overtures
toward "soft" or authoritarian coups seeking institutional restructuring
to dismantle any remaining hard-won rights, thereby committing the State
to austerity policies that tighten the belt on the working classes while
loosening it for the country's parasitic, rentier elites. Fiscal
adjustment measures-which frequently change names (spending caps, fiscal
frameworks, new fiscal frameworks)-maintain the core policy of limiting
social spending. This triggers a "fend-for-yourself" scramble within a
peripheral, agro-export economy where the majority of the working class
is employed in the service sector or in the informal economy (including
*MEI*-individual micro-entrepreneurs). The exhaustion-and ultimate
demise-of the New Republic is evident in the party-oligarchic system's
inability to sustain the coalitions and class conciliation of the past.
The reformism that once drove the state apparatus has vanished, leaving
behind only a system that imposes austerity on the population-a stark
contrast to the power social movements once wielded before that power
was eroded by the politics of conciliation, which proved disastrous for
their political education. The lesson drawn from this brief period of
redemocratization, during which the vast majority of the Left pinned its
hopes on elections, is that the solutions to our problems will not come
through the ballot box.
Incidents such as the Daniel Vorcaro affair, the deep-seated ties
between ALERJ deputies and organized crime, money laundering for drug
trafficking involving the Faria Lima financial district, and the
scrutiny surrounding parliamentary amendments-among other recent
episodes-lay bare what we already know: representative liberal democracy
is utterly subservient to the interests of the wealthy. Occupying
institutional spaces offers no alternative other than feeding on the
scraps alongside these swine.
Consequently, to remain standing, this crumbling republic doubles down
on its policing of bodies and minds. It does so not only through police
and judicial forces-which have intensified oppression in both rural and
urban areas, as evidenced by the rising number of assassinations of
activists and forced evictions-but also through neo-Pentecostal churches
and militias acting as enforcers of the status quo, thereby stifling the
agency of the working classes. The state's policing function is directly
linked to the "masculinism" that has captured the minds of the youth via
social media; this ideology seeks to rationalize the malaise this system
inflicts upon us subjectively, while promoting the misogynistic theories
that fuel high rates of femicide and violence against cisgender women,
as well as trans and *travesti* populations. This is no mere
coincidence; it is a constitutive element of the advance of the police
state-a state necessary for the continuation of a neoliberal agenda that
promotes individualistic solutions (entrepreneurship, betting,
influencer culture). These solutions erode the social fabric built on
class solidarity, thereby extinguishing hope for a different future.
This violence among those at the bottom-fueled by a narrative that
claims there is no future for everyone-aims to dismantle, through fear,
the grassroots self-organization we have worked so hard to build in
recent times.
IMPERIALISM AND INTERVENTION
The situation in Brazil becomes perilous when viewed within its
international context. Facing deep decline and a loss of political and
economic hegemony, the United States is abandoning the hypocrisy of its
rhetoric regarding multilateralism, diplomacy, and respect for
international law; it is withdrawing from international agreements and
ignoring UN decisions-leaving the UN itself in shambles-as it bares its
claws at its competitors. These claws are digging into Latin America
through a new national security strategy that revives the Monroe
Doctrine-an imperialist policy toward our continent aimed at plundering
our natural resources. We have observed a multitude of intervention
strategies thus far. The first aspect is intervention in electoral
processes-backed by financial and informational support from the
far-right within these countries (as seen recently in Peru)-alongside
threats of massive tariffs designed to incite local bourgeoisies to
align themselves with imperialism. However, there are no longer any
constraints on direct US imperialist intervention. In an unprecedented
move, foreign forces abducted President Nicolás Maduro, driven by an
interest in plundering Venezuelan oil to sustain their wars. Another
narrative seeking to justify intervention on Brazilian soil is emerging
around the reclassification of drug trafficking organizations as
terrorist groups; this creates legal precedents for intervention within
the country-an intervention whose true motives we recognize: the
subjugation of the insubordinate-particularly the people organized in
social movements-and the seizure of raw materials essential for new
technologies.
Therefore, the central issue is environmental, centering on the defense
of nature and the populations living in "sacrifice zones." Capital's
frontier areas-such as the Amazon, the Pantanal, and the MATOPIBA region
(Maranhão, Tocantins, Piauí, and Bahia)-as well as new mining, forestry,
and environmental codes, are all part of a destructive process aimed at
financing wars and securing profits. All of this intensifies climate
change, the consequences of which fall disproportionately upon the
oppressed and exploited of this land in various forms: desertification
in the Northeast, wildfires in the Pantanal, and torrential rains,
landslides, and gale-force winds in the South and Southeast.
In short, US intervention aims not only to ensure the continuity of
neoliberalism as the prevailing economic and political logic-thereby
deepening super-exploitation-but also to throw the gates wide open
through local capitulation, handing strategic resources on a silver
platter to the centers of global capital for use in the global arms
race. ELECTORAL LANDSCAPE
The unfolding electoral scenario points, in all likelihood, to a victory
for Lula's fourth and final term-one that will leave behind no
structural legacy, but merely crumbs that can and will be
unceremoniously snatched away whenever the opportunity arises. His true
legacy has been the domestication of social movements and trade unions;
these groups have shifted their focus to the party's interest in
perpetuating its hold on state management-and the perks that come with
it-using grassroots struggle as a bargaining chip in negotiations with
the elites. Where there once were marches, occupations, the tearing down
of fences, confrontations, and hope, today we see only online
mobilizations-movements wary of any specter resembling the 2013
protests. We see this, for instance, in the handling of the VAT-led
campaign against the 6×1 work schedule-a struggle whose direction we are
actively contesting.
Throughout the electoral process, the unwavering 30% of the opposition
to Lula remains-a bloc comprising Bolsonarists, conservatives,
reactionaries, fascists, and liberals, united under the banner of
rejecting the Workers' Party (PT) government. While feigning revolt
against the system, they actually seek to deepen it, hoping to amass
more wealth or escape their own destitution-all while nothing seems to
change, life grows harder, and the ongoing process of social
disintegration accelerates.
Other electoral strategies-which focus on mobilizing people to cast
ballots-pin their hopes on a future that never arrives. They mislead
workers into believing that someone from their own class, upon taking
the presidential or parliamentary seat, will change the situation-even
though history repeatedly shows us otherwise.
We, anarchists and libertarian socialists, pull the rope from below and
to the left, staying outside the electoral game. We build organizations
and movements capable of wresting rights from the powerful, with the aim
of challenging their hold on power through direct struggle. It is
through this continuous and enduring practice-class struggle-that we
seek to foster a strong people who place not a shred of hope in
bourgeois democracy.
That is why we declare loud and clear: ONLY STRUGGLE CHANGES LIFE; only
autonomous and combative social movements can break us out of the bind
we have been placed in. Victories and responses in this regard are being
delivered by Indigenous peoples, who unmask nature-destroying projects
disguised as development. These struggles demonstrate how direct action
and independence can overcome attempts to co-opt political victories,
without succumbing to the allure of representative structures that seek
to manipulate movements.
Our strategy is the most realistic one possible given this context-one
offering no institutional way out-and the individualistic, conservative
cultural environment in which we live. We are committed to reclaiming
the streets, the unions, and the movements, and to building organization
where none exists, in order to wage the inevitable confrontation and
relaunch mobilizations based on our local and national interests. We can
no longer afford illusions.
Only Struggle Changes Life!!
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination
September 2026
https://cabanarquista.com.br/analise-de-conjuntura-cab-setembro-2026/
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