A - I n f o s

a multi-lingual news service by, for, and about anarchists **
News in all languages
Last 40 posts (Homepage) Last two weeks' posts Our archives of old posts

The last 100 posts, according to language
Greek_ 中文 Chinese_ Castellano_ Catalan_ Deutsch_ Nederlands_ English_ Français_ Italiano_ Polski_ Português_ Russkyi_ Suomi_ Svenska_ Türkçe_ _The.Supplement

The First Few Lines of The Last 10 posts in:
Castellano_ Deutsch_ Nederlands_ English_ Français_ Italiano_ Polski_ Português_ Russkyi_ Suomi_ Svenska_ Türkçe_
First few lines of all posts of last 24 hours | of past 30 days | of 2002 | of 2003 | of 2004 | of 2005 | of 2006 | of 2007 | of 2008 | of 2009 | of 2010 | of 2011 | of 2012 | of 2013 | of 2014 | of 2015 | of 2016 | of 2017 | of 2018 | of 2019 | of 2020 | of 2021 | of 2022 | of 2023 | of 2024 | of 2025 | of 2026

Syndication Of A-Infos - including RDF - How to Syndicate A-Infos
Subscribe to the a-infos newsgroups

(en) Brazil, CAB: SITUATION ANALYSIS - CAB - SEPTEMBER 2026 (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Mon, 19 Oct 2026 08:09:48 +0300


We advocate for a program of struggle that does not trade its class independence for positions, favors, or pro-government agendas. As a small but resolute force of resistance standing with the oppressed and exploited, we will continue-as always-to participate in struggles rising from below, remaining outside the government and free from collaboration with the bosses. Regarding the current situation we are entering, we aim to build practical solutions alongside those who fight, without losing sight of our libertarian and socialist vision, and guided by the conviction that we can expect nothing other than what comes from the people themselves.

THE CRISIS OF BOURGEOIS DEMOCRACY
The political landscape in Brazil bears an open wound. As anarchists, we must press upon this wound and foster a different political imagination, championing agendas that challenge the established system. Bourgeois democracy-historically the most effective mechanism for mediating class conflict-is showing clear signs of exhaustion within the current stage of crisis-ridden capitalism. The symptoms are visible to all: overtures toward "soft" or authoritarian coups seeking institutional restructuring to dismantle any remaining hard-won rights, thereby committing the State to austerity policies that tighten the belt on the working classes while loosening it for the country's parasitic, rentier elites. Fiscal adjustment measures-which frequently change names (spending caps, fiscal frameworks, new fiscal frameworks)-maintain the core policy of limiting social spending. This triggers a "fend-for-yourself" scramble within a peripheral, agro-export economy where the majority of the working class is employed in the service sector or in the informal economy (including *MEI*-individual micro-entrepreneurs). The exhaustion-and ultimate demise-of the New Republic is evident in the party-oligarchic system's inability to sustain the coalitions and class conciliation of the past. The reformism that once drove the state apparatus has vanished, leaving behind only a system that imposes austerity on the population-a stark contrast to the power social movements once wielded before that power was eroded by the politics of conciliation, which proved disastrous for their political education. The lesson drawn from this brief period of redemocratization, during which the vast majority of the Left pinned its hopes on elections, is that the solutions to our problems will not come through the ballot box.

Incidents such as the Daniel Vorcaro affair, the deep-seated ties between ALERJ deputies and organized crime, money laundering for drug trafficking involving the Faria Lima financial district, and the scrutiny surrounding parliamentary amendments-among other recent episodes-lay bare what we already know: representative liberal democracy is utterly subservient to the interests of the wealthy. Occupying institutional spaces offers no alternative other than feeding on the scraps alongside these swine.

Consequently, to remain standing, this crumbling republic doubles down on its policing of bodies and minds. It does so not only through police and judicial forces-which have intensified oppression in both rural and urban areas, as evidenced by the rising number of assassinations of activists and forced evictions-but also through neo-Pentecostal churches and militias acting as enforcers of the status quo, thereby stifling the agency of the working classes. The state's policing function is directly linked to the "masculinism" that has captured the minds of the youth via social media; this ideology seeks to rationalize the malaise this system inflicts upon us subjectively, while promoting the misogynistic theories that fuel high rates of femicide and violence against cisgender women, as well as trans and *travesti* populations. This is no mere coincidence; it is a constitutive element of the advance of the police state-a state necessary for the continuation of a neoliberal agenda that promotes individualistic solutions (entrepreneurship, betting, influencer culture). These solutions erode the social fabric built on class solidarity, thereby extinguishing hope for a different future. This violence among those at the bottom-fueled by a narrative that claims there is no future for everyone-aims to dismantle, through fear, the grassroots self-organization we have worked so hard to build in recent times.

IMPERIALISM AND INTERVENTION
The situation in Brazil becomes perilous when viewed within its international context. Facing deep decline and a loss of political and economic hegemony, the United States is abandoning the hypocrisy of its rhetoric regarding multilateralism, diplomacy, and respect for international law; it is withdrawing from international agreements and ignoring UN decisions-leaving the UN itself in shambles-as it bares its claws at its competitors. These claws are digging into Latin America through a new national security strategy that revives the Monroe Doctrine-an imperialist policy toward our continent aimed at plundering our natural resources. We have observed a multitude of intervention strategies thus far. The first aspect is intervention in electoral processes-backed by financial and informational support from the far-right within these countries (as seen recently in Peru)-alongside threats of massive tariffs designed to incite local bourgeoisies to align themselves with imperialism. However, there are no longer any constraints on direct US imperialist intervention. In an unprecedented move, foreign forces abducted President Nicolás Maduro, driven by an interest in plundering Venezuelan oil to sustain their wars. Another narrative seeking to justify intervention on Brazilian soil is emerging around the reclassification of drug trafficking organizations as terrorist groups; this creates legal precedents for intervention within the country-an intervention whose true motives we recognize: the subjugation of the insubordinate-particularly the people organized in social movements-and the seizure of raw materials essential for new technologies.

Therefore, the central issue is environmental, centering on the defense of nature and the populations living in "sacrifice zones." Capital's frontier areas-such as the Amazon, the Pantanal, and the MATOPIBA region (Maranhão, Tocantins, Piauí, and Bahia)-as well as new mining, forestry, and environmental codes, are all part of a destructive process aimed at financing wars and securing profits. All of this intensifies climate change, the consequences of which fall disproportionately upon the oppressed and exploited of this land in various forms: desertification in the Northeast, wildfires in the Pantanal, and torrential rains, landslides, and gale-force winds in the South and Southeast.

In short, US intervention aims not only to ensure the continuity of neoliberalism as the prevailing economic and political logic-thereby deepening super-exploitation-but also to throw the gates wide open through local capitulation, handing strategic resources on a silver platter to the centers of global capital for use in the global arms race. ELECTORAL LANDSCAPE
The unfolding electoral scenario points, in all likelihood, to a victory for Lula's fourth and final term-one that will leave behind no structural legacy, but merely crumbs that can and will be unceremoniously snatched away whenever the opportunity arises. His true legacy has been the domestication of social movements and trade unions; these groups have shifted their focus to the party's interest in perpetuating its hold on state management-and the perks that come with it-using grassroots struggle as a bargaining chip in negotiations with the elites. Where there once were marches, occupations, the tearing down of fences, confrontations, and hope, today we see only online mobilizations-movements wary of any specter resembling the 2013 protests. We see this, for instance, in the handling of the VAT-led campaign against the 6×1 work schedule-a struggle whose direction we are actively contesting.

Throughout the electoral process, the unwavering 30% of the opposition to Lula remains-a bloc comprising Bolsonarists, conservatives, reactionaries, fascists, and liberals, united under the banner of rejecting the Workers' Party (PT) government. While feigning revolt against the system, they actually seek to deepen it, hoping to amass more wealth or escape their own destitution-all while nothing seems to change, life grows harder, and the ongoing process of social disintegration accelerates.

Other electoral strategies-which focus on mobilizing people to cast ballots-pin their hopes on a future that never arrives. They mislead workers into believing that someone from their own class, upon taking the presidential or parliamentary seat, will change the situation-even though history repeatedly shows us otherwise.

We, anarchists and libertarian socialists, pull the rope from below and to the left, staying outside the electoral game. We build organizations and movements capable of wresting rights from the powerful, with the aim of challenging their hold on power through direct struggle. It is through this continuous and enduring practice-class struggle-that we seek to foster a strong people who place not a shred of hope in bourgeois democracy.

That is why we declare loud and clear: ONLY STRUGGLE CHANGES LIFE; only autonomous and combative social movements can break us out of the bind we have been placed in. Victories and responses in this regard are being delivered by Indigenous peoples, who unmask nature-destroying projects disguised as development. These struggles demonstrate how direct action and independence can overcome attempts to co-opt political victories, without succumbing to the allure of representative structures that seek to manipulate movements.

Our strategy is the most realistic one possible given this context-one offering no institutional way out-and the individualistic, conservative cultural environment in which we live. We are committed to reclaiming the streets, the unions, and the movements, and to building organization where none exists, in order to wage the inevitable confrontation and relaunch mobilizations based on our local and national interests. We can no longer afford illusions.

Only Struggle Changes Life!!

Brazilian Anarchist Coordination

September 2026

https://cabanarquista.com.br/analise-de-conjuntura-cab-setembro-2026/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en
A-Infos Information Center