A-Infos (en) France, UCL AL #374 - History - History of the Bund: Cultural National Autonomy, a Jewish Response to Nationalism (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The history of the Bund is well known thanks to Henri Minczeles's 
General History of the Bund[10], which is highly recommended reading. 
This article aims to provide an overview for a readership of activists 
interested in the relationship between socialism and the national 
question, as well as the history of the workers' movement. ---- The Bund 
is generally promoted by progressive forces solely for its anti-Zionist 
positions. These activists, sometimes bordering on the far right, use 
this party as a convenient excuse, a foil, to simplistically pit good 
Jews against bad Jews. This is not to deny the relevance of the Bund's 
stances against the Zionist project, but to recall that they could only 
exist because they arose from the constructive ambitions and concrete 
achievements of this socialist movement, which aimed to offer the Jewish 
proletariat a future in a transnational territory: Yiddishland. This 
movement was driven by an ideology that sought the emancipation of a 
group conceived as a social class with transnational characteristics, 
operating within dominant state geopolitical spaces. As a party 
advocating class organization, the Bund deserves a glorious return to 
the pantheon of socialist organizations.

Far from being limited to the production of theoretical texts, the Bund 
established a set of militant social practices in Yiddishland linked to 
a specific theory called "  National Cultural Autonomy  ." Anti-Zionism 
is rather the logical conclusion of a positive theory articulated with 
concrete practices. To ignore this approach is to forget the Bund's 
proposals for an original federalist solution to the thorny problem of 
nationalities: a theory and practices that seem to us to constitute an 
illuminating historical legacy for thinking about concrete solutions to 
current geopolitical situations.

The Bund, or "  Der Algemeyner Yidisher Arbeter Bund in Rusland un Poyln 
 "  ( General Union of Jewish Workers of Russia and Poland  ), with 
Lithuania added in 1901, was founded on October 9, 1897, in Vilnius, 
when 13 delegates, including two women, from local groups and workers' 
sections representing 3,500 members met . Workers, numbering eight, 
constituted the majority.

The Bund developed during a period when the Tsarist power, its 
administration, through discriminatory laws and the promotion of an 
anti-Semitic ideology, made Jews pariahs, threatened by regular pogroms.

The Bund theory took shape through its engagement with the specific 
social context of Yiddishland. As socialism developed in the Russian 
Empire, Jewish activists sought to build a socialist movement "  from 
the bottom up  ": workerism was deeply ingrained in their mentality. 
Predominantly from the proletariat, they found themselves in contact 
with workers who spoke only Yiddish and whose lives were governed by 
communal customs and traditions. This led to an aspiration to see Jews 
recognized as a distinct national group. The theory of national cultural 
autonomy then developed in three phases:

*  Theorizing: it is developed from the lived experience of the Jewish 
proletariat in the Tsarist Empire;

*  The decline: during the Russian Revolution of 1917, the Bund was 
initially overshadowed by the vastness of the revolutionary movement. 
Its influence diminished. It was opposed by the Bolshevik authorities, 
who ordered its dissolution in 1924;

*  A practical application of cultural autonomy in independent interwar 
Poland: the Bund established an impressive array of Yiddish social, 
educational and cultural structures.

An original response to the problem of nationalities
The Bund aimed to be socialist and internationalist. From the very first 
congresses, Bundist delegates agreed that the Jewish proletariat 
constituted a specific group, distinct from the other nations of the 
Russian Empire (Polish, Russian, or otherwise). They felt rooted in 
Yiddishkeit , the culture of the Eastern European Jewish diaspora whose 
vehicle was the Yiddish language, declaring that "  Jewish workers in 
Russia suffer not only as workers, but also as Jews  . "

The demand for cultural autonomy is added to that of equal civil rights 
through the repeal of all discriminatory laws contained in the legal 
order of the Russian Empire with regard to Jews.

Henri Minczeles, General History of the Bund. A Jewish Revolutionary 
Movement , L'Échappée, 2022 reissue, 476 pages, 22 euros.
From the 19th century  onward, socialism faced the dual problem of 
nationalities and the rise of nationalisms that advocated the creation 
of nation-states, oppressing national minorities. In response, the Bund 
developed a specific theoretical framework through a gradual maturation 
process over the course of its congresses. At the Sixth Congress  in 
1905, the demand for National Cultural Autonomy was ratified. The party 
linked equal rights and the fight against antisemitism to social 
demands: "  Neither assimilation nor emigration, but struggle on the 
ground with the workers and socialists of other national groups living 
in Russia .  " National Cultural Autonomy became a key demand of the 
movement. Jewish workers, both men and women, must have their own 
political, cultural, and social spaces as an extraterritorial minority, 
since they lived on both sides of territories claimed by one nation or 
another. The Bund defined itself as anti-nationalist and 
internationalist. The Yiddish language became an indispensable vehicle 
for propaganda, which promoted the slogan: "  Doy kaït  " , which could 
be translated today as: "  We live, we fight here and now  " . Thus, the 
Bundists "  deterritorialized  " the nation[2].

Its leaders developed an extraordinary humanism in a revolutionary 
environment rife with sectarianism. In the Bund, empathy and tolerance 
were core principles.

Thus, Vladimir Medem, one of its principal theorists, spoke in 1919 
about the meaning of the Bund: "  Listen carefully to the word 'bund'. 
It comes from the word 'to bind'. To bind together in one complete 
entity all things separated by a bond. To unite weak energies into one 
immense force  "[3].

Practical field experience
With active solidarity taking precedence over ideology, there is no 
exclusion of anyone, but rather the choice of socialism and secularism 
to work towards concrete emancipation, which then means for the most 
disadvantaged , to access a viable existence from a material and moral 
point of view.

The Bund worked to initiate and support trade union sections in the 
various "  Jewish  " trades. It was involved in numerous strikes. Some 
sections, directly affiliated with the Bund, could be represented at 
congresses. May Day became  a systematic ritual celebrated by the Jewish 
labor movement under all regimes. "  For the Jewish worker, '  A Ertche 
May Akadèmiè  ' was almost as important as Yom Kippur is for a Hasid 
"[4]. The Bund also played a structuring and driving role during the 
1905 revolution in the areas where it was established and even beyond.

Members of the Bund keeping vigil over the bodies of three of their 
comrades killed in Odessa during the pogrom that took place during the 
1905 revolution.
Yivo.org
The Bund helped workers create their own solidarity fund to break with 
the class collaboration that prevailed in the professional guilds, where 
employers also held seats. Solidarity was further expressed through soup 
kitchens and aid to those in precarious situations.

The Bund was a pioneer in promoting feminist demands. It advocated for 
gender equality and established women's sections (Yidisher arbeter 
froyen) to advance the cause of women both within the organization and 
in society at large. The gender-neutral term "  comrade,  " used as a 
form of interpersonal communication, was considered an important element 
of gender equality. Kindergartens were established to relieve women of 
their family responsibilities.

The Bund commonly served as a mediator against male aggression, both 
within couples and in public spaces. In the aftermath of the First World 
War, activists hunted down pimps whom they considered exploiters of 
prostitutes. Thus, the Bund's song, "The Oath," begins with "  brothers 
and sisters in labor and misery,  " thereby acknowledging the unity of 
the working class, both women and men. During the Polish period, 
activists spoke of "  companion  " (khaverte) and rejected the 
expression "  my wife  ."

The Bund worked to establish a secular school system based on Yiddish 
and alternative pedagogies. When CISZO[5]was created , the Bund played a 
central role. It established SKIF[6], a youth center for children up to 
the age of 15. Thanks to the extraordinary dedication of its teachers, 
these institutions welcomed the most disadvantaged children, from 
kindergarten through secondary school. A teacher training college also 
trained educators, writers and poets, intellectuals, and political 
activists. Advocates of new pedagogies, these institutions were run with 
the support of teachers and parents.

Clinics were established in several cities. A summer camp for young 
people and a sanatorium were built near Warsaw. Sports were promoted by 
the Morgnshtern[7]. Having become a national organization, discussions 
began with the Polish workers' sports movement regarding unification, in 
accordance with the Bund principle: each nation should have autonomous 
organizations within the unified workers' movement.

The Bund has occasionally intervened regarding the right to housing.

* Elected municipal officials intervened to improve unsanitary 
neighborhoods or streets.

* On the other hand, in conflicts between tenant and landlord, activists 
could informally act as mediators or exert pressure, depending on the 
circumstances.

In the cultural sphere, the Yiddish intelligentsia that emerged at this 
time often maintained close ties with the Bund. Sholem An-ski, author of 
the famous play The Dybbuk, composed the Bund's anthem, The Oath.

For the Bund, which advocates a tolerant atheism, religion is an 
integral part of Judaism. Even though the movement presents itself as 
atheist, its societal project is based on a secular approach that 
incorporates religious practice (respect for Shabbat and religious 
holidays throughout the calendar).

The Bund achieved notable successes by organizing armed self-defense 
teams to protect communities against raids by pogromists led by the 
Tsarist anti-Semitic organization, the Black Hundreds. Later in Poland, 
a self-defense militia was established to combat several threats: 
anti-Semitic pogromists, fascist hooligans, and, more surprisingly, the 
underworld manipulated by the Polish Communist Party. This militia also 
protected identified activists , meetings, and demonstrations.

With National Cultural Autonomy, the Bund project and practices can, in 
a sense, recall and anticipate current materialist intersectionality.

Poster for the Bund of 1917.
Public domain
Relations with social democracy and Bolshevism
When the Bund developed its theory, many Marxists in Europe were 
reflecting on the national question. In the Austro-Hungarian Empire, 
Otto Bauer and Karl Reiner had already developed the political concept 
of national religious autonomy. However, their theory aligned with the 
prevailing social thought, which viewed Jews as an entity foreign to the 
Empire, lacking their own territory, and whose religious rites were 
considered archaic. Their language was foreign, their alphabet from the 
East. For these socialists, who were not anti-Semitic, the goal was to 
enable the assimilation of these stateless people whose culture was not 
European.

Although disagreeing on this point, the Bund adopted this theory: Jews 
are part of the concert of nations, and it is a matter of having their 
rights recognized in the Russian Empire.

In 1898 in Minsk, Marxists from across the Russian Empire met and 
founded the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP). Activists 
from the Bund were present: representing the largest and best-structured 
Marxist organization at the time, it was the only one capable of 
providing the necessary infrastructure for the congress. The RSDLP 
adopted a political platform accepted by all factions, including the 
principle of self-determination for peoples.

However, the theory of Cultural Autonomy was opposed by proponents of a 
certain Marxist orthodoxy (of various tendencies): Rosa Luxemburg, 
Lenin, Trotsky, and the Menshevik Martov. Steeped in an uncompromising 
internationalism, these leaders did not recognize the inclusive nature 
of this proposal. Their only concern was the hegemony of a single, 
indivisible working class, leading to the assimilation of Jews into a 
socialist society. Seeking to maintain its political autonomy, the Bund 
responded that it would never be "  the translation of social democracy 
into Yiddish. The Bund is the organized and conscious expression of the 
powerful and decisive currents of Jewish life  "[8].

In Poland, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS) criticized the Bund for not 
sufficiently supporting the crucial and non-negotiable goal of Polish 
independence. For these patriots, the Bund appeared, on the one hand, to 
be separatist. Furthermore, the Bundists seemed to be participating in 
the Russificationist agenda of the Empire by ignoring the demand for 
Polish independence.

Cultural autonomy was not the only point of contention with Lenin and 
his followers. The Party's role with the working class was also a source 
of conflict. As early as 1903, Medem perceived Lenin as an authoritarian 
figure and described Trotsky as "  full of himself .  " For his part, 
Lenin referred to the Bundists as "  seasick Zionists  . "

Faced with Bolshevik authoritarian centralism, respect for political 
pluralism and democracy was at the heart of the Bund's values. After the 
October 1917 coup, Vladimir Medem declared: "  Socialism is the law-the 
true law, not the fictitious one of the majority. Only the majority can 
take its destiny into its own hands. Socialism based on the will of the 
minority is inhumane and absurd.  "

Jean-Marc Izrine, The Libertarians of Yiddishland , Alternative 
libertaire, 2014, 150 pages, 16 euros.
The modernity of national cultural autonomy
National cultural autonomy can be a useful proposition in the 
contemporary world: in many regions of the world, it could provide 
additional reflection to resolve societal issues between national/ethnic 
majority and minority, particularly in a context of multilingualism.

Despite the significant temporal and geographical distance, the 
political project of the Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front 
(FNLKS) can be identified with the Bundist movement. In Mexico, the 
Zapatista Indians of Chiapas appear to have drawn direct inspiration 
from the Bund. In Rojava, Syrian Kurdistan, the PKK is developing a form 
similar to the Bundist movement: Democratic Confederalism. This legacy 
would also be useful in regions whose borders were artificially created 
by Western colonizing countries. Many peoples are spread across several 
neighboring states, where they form minorities that demand specific 
rights. Cultural autonomy could also inspire solutions in the Berber 
communities (located from Morocco to Libya and united by their language, 
Tamazight) or to defend the Indigenous culture of the Mapuche people of 
Chile and Argentina.

The Bund was indeed anti-Zionist.
Yes, Bundist activists were genuinely anti-Zionist, but this stemmed 
from their theorization and implementation of National Cultural 
Autonomy. For those who live through or observe current events in 
Palestine or Lebanon, they appear as visionaries. However, the 
revolutionary left has not always praised the Bund. Contemporary 
Leninists adopt a revisionist stance, remaining silent on the repression 
carried out by the Bolshevik regime, culminating in the Stalinist purges.

It would therefore be appropriate to look back at history, placing the 
Bund's anti-Zionist positions in their historical context, and not seize 
upon them as a demagogic argument... As proof, let us allow the Bundist 
leader Henryk Erlikh[9]to express himself in 1938: "  If a Jewish state 
were to be established in Palestine, its spiritual climate would be as 
follows: an eternal fear of the external enemy (the Arabs) and an 
eternal struggle for every square meter of land and for every job with 
the internal enemy (the Arabs)[...]Is this a climate conducive to 
freedom, democracy, and progress?  "

Jean-Marc Izrine, author of the book "Libertarians in the Dreyfus 
Affair" (AL editions)

To validate

[1]Henri Minczeles, General History of the Bund: A Jewish Revolutionary 
Movement , republished in 2022 by L'Échappée.

[2]" Special issue 100th anniversary  of the Bund ", Critical Points , 
p. 5, December 1998-January 1999.

[3]Bernard K, Johnpoll, " The Politics of Futility: The General Workers 
Bund of Poland ", Cornell University Press, 1967.

[4]Henri Minczeles, op. cit. , p. 19.

[5]Central organization for Jewish school affairs. This secular 
structure was responsible for education and managed Yiddish schools.

[6]Union of Socialist Children.

[7]Morning Star, sports and physical development association.

[8]Henri Minczeles, op. cit. , p. 19.

[9]Henryk Erlikh was one of the leaders of the Polish Bund, a refugee in 
the USSR, arrested in 1941, tortured and executed by the NKVD probably 
in 1942.

[10]Henri Minczeles, General History of the Bund: A Jewish Revolutionary 
Movement , republished in 2022 by L'Échappée.

https://www.unioncommunistelibertaire.org/?Histoire-du-Bund-l-Autonomie-nationale-culturelle-une-reponse-juive-au
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