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(en) Australia, AnComFed, Picket Line: 100 Years of The Platform (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 14 Sep 2026 09:26:43 +0300
A century later, what can we learn from the Russian and Ukrainian
anarchists? --- The early 1920s were a dark period for the anarchist
movement in Eastern Europe. The Russian Revolution had transformed from
a genuine workers' uprising into a dictatorship of the Bolshevik Party.
--- Anarchist groups and newspapers were banned, and their members
either thrown into prison or killed. Others were forced into exile. Some
of these refugees-including the Ukrainian militia leader Nestor Makhno,
the Belarusian Ida Mett, and the Russian Peter Arshinov-ended up in
France. There, they gathered themselves together, reflected on their
experiences, and prepared to launch a new publication named Delo Truda
("the Cause of Labour").
Before the revolution, the Russian anarchist movement was relatively
small. But over the course of 1917, groups and newspapers sprung up all
over the place, gaining a foothold among both workers and peasants.
But this anarchist movement was still deeply disorganised. It was
divided not just by ideological disagreements, but by radically
different tactics. Anarchism in Russia had no clear sense of direction
or ability to challenge the hegemony of the Bolsheviks (who, before
taking power, embraced slogans close to the better organised anarchists).
Today, the anarchist movement still faces many of these problems. So
what can we learn from the Delo Truda group?
Better disunited than misunited
Delo Truda believed that if the anarchist movement across the world
didn't take organisation seriously, it would be doomed forever. They had
seen first-hand how the disorganised and erratic nature of the Russian
movement had led to defeat.
At the same time, they knew that this couldn't be fixed by simply trying
to unite all those who called themselves anarchists. Papering over
divisions wouldn't solve the problem that 'anarchism' meant different
things to different people, and that many of their ideas contradicted
each other.
To Delo Truda, an anarchist organisation needed to be based firmly in
the politics of class struggle and have a clear, shared strategy. It was
better to have fewer members, dedicated to common goals, than a larger
group pulling in different directions.
Unity and collective responsibility
On the 20th of June, 1926, the Delo Truda group published a draft
"Organisational Platform of the General Union of Anarchists"-now known
as 'the Platform'.
The Platform contains three sections. The first gives a general
overview of anarchism, class, and strategy. The second deals with how
society should be managed during a revolution. Though all of the
Platform is valuable, it's the third and final section that is best
known. Here, the authors outline four principles for a proposed
anarchist organisation.
The first principle is unity of theory. Anarchist organisations need to
be grounded in a solid foundation of anarchist theory, shared by all
members.
The second is unity of tactics. Groups don't work when members are just
doing their own thing. To be effective, and to have real democratic
accountability, groups need to plan, coordinate and implement agreed
decisions together.
The third principle is collective responsibility. This follows from the
first two points. The political activity of individual members is guided
by the organisation as a whole. When members engage in their unions or
social movements, they're not just doing it as random individuals, but
as members of a political organisation. Members have to be accountable
to each other and the shared project of the group.
Organisation from below
The Platform's fourth and final principle is federalism, a key ideain
anarchism, and central to the Platform's proposed structure for an
anarchist federation.
A revolutionary organisation can't be based on authoritarian, top-down
structures. It can only be built through free agreement and the autonomy
of members, branches, and groups.
Crucially, federalism doesn't mean disorganisation. For a federation to
work, and to reap the benefits of high-level coordination, groups need
to honour their agreements and implement collective decisions.
To facilitate all of this, the Platform proposes that anarchist
organisations have "Executive Committees". This wording can lead modern
readers to think of some kind of corporate board of directors, or a
centralised party leadership. But if you read the Platform, this clearly
isn't the intended meaning.
The committee would, instead, facilitate coordination between the
different groups, study the overall state of the movement, and implement
decisions made by congresses. An 'Executive Committee' of this kind has
no authority of its own-power remains in the hands of members and their
respective groups.
The Platforms legacy
100 years on, there are elements of the Platform that are outdated. For
instance, we don't need to worry so much about building links between
workers and peasants- particularly in a country like Australia.
Other sections are lacking, too. The authors are internationalists, but
they don't give internationalism the central role it deserves.
Considerably more attention is given to armed struggle. But even the
most effective defence is doomed if a revolution doesn't spread.
The Platform was only a draft, though, and was seen by its authors as a
living document. Its central argument-that anarchists should be
organised and intervening in the class struggle- is as important today
as it ever was.
Because the past hundred years have shown just how right a lot of the
Platform is. The anarchist movement is still hampered by
disorganisation. The connections between the anarchist movement and the
wider working class are more frayed now than they were in the early 20th
century. All of this has been to the disadvantage of anarchism and the
working class movement.
Meanwhile, the most effective anarchist organisations have been those
like the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU) in the 1950s-70s. The FAU
was effective precisely because it followed ideas similar to those of
the Platformists, under the label of 'especifism' (referring to the need
for a 'specific anarchist organisation').
Platformism and the ACF
The Anarchist Communist Federation has been influenced by the Platform,
but we don't call ourselves "platformist". This is for the same reason
that we don't call ourselves "especifist". The Platform and especifism
are part of a much longer tradition of organised anarchist communism.
The authors of the Platform recognised that they weren't making any big
innovations. Their basic ideas have been part of the anarchist movement
since the beginning, and had informed organisations in countries like
Italy and Spain.
Still, we would argue that the Platform is an essential contribution to
this tradition. It should be studied by anyone who believes that, to
actually overthrow capitalism and the government, we need a realistic
plan to win.
https://ancomfed.org/2026/08/100-years-of-the-platform/
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