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(en) Spaine, Regeneracion - On Beefs, Ego Trips, and Cancellations in the Libertarian Movement (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Fri, 24 Jul 2026 07:41:19 +0300
"The time has come to take responsibility." - Ad Nauseam Manifesto:
Notes Against the Political Ghetto
Index
* On Beefs, Ego Trips, and Cancellations in the Libertarian Movement
* References
Since identifying as an anarchist, I have always been an "idealist," or,
to take it to a messianic level, a "believer" in The Idea. I was
fascinated (and continue to be fascinated) by all the stories and
experiences that Anarchism has contributed, fought for, and defended in
the name of a conviction that a more dignified Humanity is possible.
I've always been drawn to texts that speak of "igniting a spark of
consciousness that transforms the instinct for mutual aid into the
foundation of a society without masters, where bread and freedom are
universal and inalienable rights," or that address "the end of the
exploitation of Man by Man" and the "emancipation of the people by the
people themselves." I believe that, based on this interpretation, my
logical conclusion was that ego and personalism have no place in a
universal project.
Perhaps that's why I found certain dynamics within the libertarian
movement so perplexing. I'm not talking about real political
differences, which are necessary. I'm talking about endless beefs , ego
wars, settling scores disguised as principles, social capital
accumulated by pointing fingers at others, and personal conflicts
artificially elevated to political issues. I've always seen the
anarchist struggle as incompatible with ego. Not because we lack pride,
wounds, or a desire for recognition. We have them all. But a militant
ethic should serve precisely to put that in its place. If we claim to
fight for something that transcends us, the collective project cannot be
hijacked by anyone's narcissism.
It's no coincidence that I chose this title: "Os cães ladram ea caravana
passa" (I understand it's used in Spain). The expression comes from an
old Arabic saying: even if the dogs bark, the caravan continues on its
way. In other words, there are provocations and unconstructive
criticisms that cannot stop progress. There will always be noise. There
will always be those who criticize, poison the atmosphere, or need every
other project to fail in order to confirm their own superiority or
maintain their comfort. We must listen to criticism when it's valid and
acknowledge our own mistakes, but we cannot let every noise become a
paralyzing fear.
In his text, Anarchism Against Anarchism - Less Complacency, More
Self-Criticism, Rafael Viana da Silva points out a widespread
misconception within the libertarian movement that has caused us much
harm: equating anarchist freedom with "doing whatever one wants" and
individual autonomy with ethical relativism. Freedom without collective
responsibility does not produce libertarian activism; it produces
capriciousness, informality, personalism, and a bourgeois caricature of
the anarchist as someone incapable of maintaining agreements. Anarchist
ethics are not demonstrated through daily consistency but by fulfilling
one's commitments, not disappearing when it's time to carry out a task,
not turning every criticism into a personal attack, not using the
assembly as a stage for ego, and not confusing charisma with legitimacy.
And here lies one of our biggest problems within the movement - the lack
of self-criticism (with some exceptions, of course) and the perpetuation
of a self-serving movement. We are the first to detect and point out
contradictions in others, but we struggle to examine our own. We know
how to issue scathing statements against other organizations, but often
we don't know how to say, "We failed here, we were unfair here, we acted
out of pride here, we confused a personal wound with a political stance
here."
A libertarian (and also revolutionary) movement without self-criticism
rots from within. It may have impeccable rhetoric and a combative,
appealing aesthetic, but if it is unable to examine its practices,
acknowledge its mistakes, and transform its dynamics, it ends up doing
more branding than politics.
We have also too often confused horizontality with a lack of
responsibility. As if organizing, evaluating, asking for explanations,
fulfilling tasks, or upholding agreements were authoritarian practices.
They are not! Why would it be authoritarian for an organization to
remind you of what you collectively agreed upon? Collective
responsibility is not punishment or blind obedience. It is understanding
that the common good only exists if someone sustains it. That an
assembly does nothing on its own. That an organization has no arms or
head separate from its members. That each person is responsible for
their own organization and for fighting for the things they disagree
with. If no one takes responsibility, the Idea becomes mere rhetoric:
many words, little force. It makes me wonder if the most common
criticism within anarchism-that there is a lot of theory but little
practice-is that perhaps our problem is not so much an excess of theory
but rather poor internal and external practices...
On the other hand, in certain circles, a culture of fear has
developed-fear of making mistakes, fear of speaking out, fear of not
using the perfect word, fear that disagreement will be interpreted as
violence, fear that a blunder will become public condemnation. And when
a political culture produces more fear than courage, more calculation
than honesty, and more complacency than criticism, we have a problem
centered on punitivism disguised as radicalism. And mind you, I'm not
saying this to deny the real harm. There are aggressions, abuses,
violence, and despicable behaviors within our spaces, and we must act
relentlessly against them. There are serious issues that demand
protection, boundaries, and consequences, but it's one thing to confront
the harm and quite another to reproduce, on a smaller scale, the
prison-like and punitive logic we claim to be fighting: good and bad,
saints and monsters, expulsion as the only response, reputation as the
tribunal, rumor as evidence, and lynching as a form of education.
In their text "How We Handle Harm," the Punch Up Collective, a small
anarchist collective from Ottawa, Ontario, focused on building resilient
radical movements, emphasizes a fundamental point: not all conflict is
abuse, not all disagreement is violence, and not all discomfort is harm.
If everything is labeled the same, we cease to understand what is
happening. And if we don't understand what is happening, we cannot
intervene effectively. If admitting a mistake means automatic social
death, no one will truly take responsibility. People will learn to hide,
justify themselves, lie, or perform remorse. A serious militant culture
must make accountability possible without turning it into a punitive
spectacle.
It must also be said that many problems between organizations are not
political, even though they are presented as such. They are personal.
Poorly managed wounds, emotional breakdowns, envy, competition for
symbolic capital, old grudges, informal leadership, insecurities,
resentments. Then all of that is dressed up as a line, ethics, strategy,
and principles, but the sad reality is that it's a problem of ego. And
let's be clear: mixing the personal and the political in this way is a
mistake. Of course, the personal has political dimensions, but it's
another thing entirely to turn my personal grievances into a universal
political criterion and dictate the pace of my organization to move to
the rhythm of my wounds.
And I also want to make it clear: using bourgeois or liberal
institutions to resolve conflicts between comrades should make us
reflect on the state of our movement. Not because we should demand
heroics from anyone, nor adopt moralistic positions in the face of
serious situations. If our only response to each conflict is to delegate
it to the State, its courts, or its police, something is failing in our
collective capacity to build a revolutionary alternative.
From my perspective, politics should be seen as a field of struggle,
and we must be prepared to give, receive, fall, and rise again with our
heads held high in any dispute. We have ethical codes, but others don't,
and we can't forget that. That's why we must be intelligent, humble, and
consistent, but we must also be bold, disruptive, and know how to hit
hard when the time comes to a fight. As Bakunin said, "Destructive
passion is also creative passion." It's about understanding that every
revolutionary construction demands breaking with the old ways that bind
us, such as ego trips , personal beefs , fear, complacency, the ghetto,
and the inertia that reproduces the very things we claim to fight.
Because if the libertarian movement remains trapped in self-destructive
and sectarian dynamics, we will not only fail to escape the ghetto, but
we will continue to drag anarchism toward marginalization. And then
we're surprised and annoyed when people call us childish, useful idiots,
or utopian. But what do we expect, if we waste more energy on internal
squabbles than on thinking about how and what we can contribute to those
we claim to defend and fight for?
Enough of pretending to be pure, and let's build a militant ethic
capable of acknowledging mistakes without being consumed by them.
Knowing when to apologize. Knowing when to recognize one's own
rightness. Knowing how to face the consequences. Knowing how to confront
conflict head-on without turning it into a spectacle. Knowing how to
speak clearly without destroying. Knowing how to criticize without
humiliating. Knowing how to care without covering up. Knowing how to
fight without losing one's soul.
In the face of rumors, clarity.
In the face of beef , politics.
In the face of ego trips , a collective project.
In the face of fear, responsibility.
In the face of punitivism, reparation and limits.
In the face of complacency, criticism and self-criticism.
The anarchism that interests me is a demanding practice of freedom,
responsibility, and organization, not a philosophy of moral superiority
locked in its ghetto, devoid of any transformative capacity. Because
ultimately, the problem is that we want to destroy the state, capital,
and all forms of domination, but we aren't even capable of destroying
our own miserable dynamics.
A movement that cannot look at itself in the mirror is doomed to defeat.
And I am tired of sustaining defeats disguised with good slogans. I want
an anarchist practice that is on the front lines of social struggles and
that dares to grow, to correct itself, to demand accountability, to
acknowledge mistakes, but also to be rebellious, bold, and never lose
the tenderness of its soul in the face of the world's harshness.
Don Diego de la Vega, a militant from Liza.
References
Ad Nauseam. Notes against the political ghetto . Reissue of the Ad
Nauseam Manifesto. 2026.
Rafael Viana da Silva, Anarchism against or Anarchism: Less complacency,
more self-criticism
Punch Up * Kick Down Distro, How We Handle Harm
Dicionário da Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, «Os cães ladram ea
caravan passa»
Mikhail Bakunin, The Reaction in Germany
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/06/14/os-caes-ladram-e-a-caravana-passa/
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