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(en) France, OCL CA #359 - Charges dropped against Kanak mutineers! -- See online: Kanaky Solidarity (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Thu, 21 May 2026 09:00:43 +0300
Kanaky New Caledonia, in the South Pacific, remains on the UN list of
countries to be decolonized. It is not a French territory: France is
merely the administering power. The Nouméa Accord, signed in 1998,
stipulated three referendums on self-determination. In 2020, during the
second referendum, independence was decided by only 9,000 votes. In
2021, the French state imposed the date of the third referendum during
the height of the Covid-19 pandemic, despite the pro-independence
movement's request for postponement. The Kanak people did not
participate in this referendum, which was held under military control
(there was an abstention rate of over 50%). The FLNKS (Kanak and
Socialist National Liberation Front) and the UN do not recognize the
conditions of this latest referendum. Despite this, the French state is
still attempting a forced withdrawal from the Nouméa Accord and it
continues to deport to France many Kanak prisoners who rioted in 2024
during the riots against the "unfreezing" of the New Caledonian
electoral roll.
In 2024, the bill on the "unfreezing" of the New Caledonian electoral
roll, proposed by the French state, crystallized the local political
situation. Indeed, the freezing of this electoral roll is a red line
that the Kanak people cannot cross, as it protects their voices from the
settler colonialism represented by mass immigration from France.
Pro-independence mobilizations against the state's plan were therefore
massive throughout the territory, facilitated in part by the CCAT (Field
Action Coordination Cell), and a popular uprising took place on May 13,
2024, the day the bill was passed in the National Assembly. However,
this uprising was brutally repressed, with colonial security forces
receiving support from racist and colonial armed militias: 13 Kanaks
were shot dead, many others wounded, and more than 3,000 arrests were made.
At the same time, Camp Est, the country's main prison and former
colonial penal colony in Nouméa, experienced one of the largest riots in
its history: more than a third of the cells were burned and destroyed in
a single night. The army dispersed a demonstration of support that was
taking place outside the prison and surrounded it for several days.
Over 90% of the prison population at Camp Est is Kanak, with the
remaining inmates being of Pacific Islander origin. The systemic racial
discrimination prevalent throughout the territory is even more
pronounced in prisons, and the Nouméa court applies a form of colonial
justice by handing down harsh sentences to Kanak defendants. The
Inspector of Places of Deprivation of Liberty has issued several
alarming reports on prison conditions at Camp Estin some sections, metal
shipping containers serve as cells, cramming up to five inmates instead
of two, and the unsanitary conditions are appallingand the
administrative court has echoed these reports. It is against this
situation that the inmates have risen up en masse, for their dignity and
that of their people.
But prison conditions worsened in the following weeks. According to
numerous prisoner testimonies, the RAID, the GIGN, and several ERIS
(Regional Intervention and Security Teams) units from France intervened
swiftly and brutally on two occasions: flash-ball rounds were fired,
stun grenades were thrown into cells, beatings were carried out nightly
in the courtyards, prisoners were dragged on the ground over broken
porcelain, and they were placed in solitary confinement for hours with
zip ties tightly fastened around their wrists in a room filled with
urine. Food and exercise time were restricted, and they underwent
invasive strip searches, among other measures.
Several prisoners were injured, but the infirmary was, of course,
closed. One of them succumbed to his injuries after more than a week of
agony, despite protests from other prisoners demanding medical
treatment, and no autopsy was performed to determine the cause of death.
Active solidarity with all Kanak deportees...
The French state then organized, in June and July 2024, mass
deportations of Kanak prisoners to France in complete secrecy (without
notifying families, without responding to lawyers). Several other
deportations, smaller in number, took place until December 2025. The
media extensively covered the deportations of seven pro-independence
activists from the CCAT, including the current president of the FLNKS,
but said very little about the others, even though for all of them these
were forced displacements in violation of international law (Kanaky is
not France) as well as the detainees' right to privacy and family life.
The Kanaky Solidarity Collective in France launched a search for these
detainees in June 2024. A working group has been monitoring their
situation ever since, providing them with material, financial, and legal
support. We have identified more than 70 deportees since May 2024 and
are currently monitoring more than 90, including previously deported
individuals who have contacted us. Many are isolated from their families.
In early February, we learned with horror, anger, and profound sadness
of the death in his cell of Frédéric Grochain, who was deported to
France in June 2024. We were in contact with him, and his lawyer works
with us. He was 31 years old. The autopsy results clearly indicate
neglect of medical care: his lungs were infected with tuberculosis. His
brother, who had just arrived in France, learned of his death when he
called the prison to request a visiting permit.
No one outside knew that Frédéric was ill. This raises many questions
and highlights the importance of visits to understand the situation of
detainees. An investigation has been opened and is ongoing. Frédéric's
family and lawyer intend to sue the State for its responsibility in the
lack of medical care and Frédéric's deportation, which directly led to
his death.
Many other deported Kanak detainees are isolated here in France.
Frédéric, like other Kanak detainees, had requested to return to his
homeland. Some did so to complete their sentences there, but all have
faced explicit or implicit refusals (no response). Appeals have been
filed for several of them.
A year ago, the lawyer for two detainees secured their return to their
homeland at the State's expense, and their valid passports were ready as
of June 2025. But at the end of November, they were transferred from
their prison in the south of France to Réau prison in the Île-de-France
region, where the guards told them their return was scheduled for a few
days later. Their families back home had been notified. But when they
were taken to Roissy airport for a flight to Kanaky (New Caledonia),
they were told at the boarding gate that their departure was canceled,
and they were taken back to Réau without even returning their belongings
or informing their lawyer of this false start. We learned of this from a
family member a week later. An administrative appeal was filed by the
lawyer, followed by an emergency injunction, which was rejected. But
finally, we have just learned, through a letter from one of these
detainees, that they will be released during the week of March 9, 2026.
This is a victory, and we hope it will serve as a precedent for the
cases of other detainees.
Our collective continues to demand the immediate return of all Kanak
prisoners who wish to return, whether they are serving or nearing the
end of their sentences, at the State's expense. We will soon publish a
joint statement on this matter, after having contacted members of
Parliament, because only mobilization and collective action can create a
balance of power.
We also remain committed to finding housing or employment solutions for
all prisoners who find themselves here at the end of their sentences or
released under alternative sentencing arrangements. Some are on parole
with a ban on returning to their homeland; for others, it is the
sentencing judge who releases them conditionally here because they
cannot afford a plane ticket. Some are in a situation of extreme
vulnerability, compounded by a non-functional social security number. We
also assist them with administrative procedures and we remind everyone
that we have an online fundraising campaign set up by the Justice and
Freedom Committee for Kanaky, which provides funds for this support,
whether they are in detention or struggling outside.
Finally, regarding the major 2024 prison riot, we know that several
deported Kanak detainees have cases under investigation with serious
charges, such as "hostage-taking" or "attempted escape." We have also
learned that other detainees who are not currently under investigation
have been questioned about this riot since the fall of 2025, and that
some have been held in custody. These cases appear to be separate, with
hearings scheduled in different cities. An expedited hearing that was
supposed to take place last January has been postponed. Another hearing
for a former inmate, scheduled for early March in Sarreguemines, was
also postponed. However, he realized that his official statement didn't
accurately reflect his previous statements and intends to contest it.
Yet another hearing is scheduled for March 26 in Évreux for another
inmate. We are closely monitoring these cases and ensuring that all
defendants have access to legal representation.
We still don't know the status of those currently detained in Kanaky,
who are also reportedly facing prosecution. A local group is trying to
monitor their situation, but in any case, the Solidarité Kanaky
collective is calling for the immediate dropping of charges against all
the mutineers at Camp Est.
...and mobilization against all the maneuvers of the French State!
Today, the political situation is tense in Kanaky with the new draft
agreement, known as the Bougival Agreement, to be signed on July 12,
2025, concerning the future of the territory. Once again, the French
State has returned to the charge of withdrawing from the Nouméa Accord.
This project aims to create a New Caledonian state within the French
Republic, that is to say, a pure and simple annexation of the territory,
and with the continued "unfreezing" of the electoral roll and the
plundering of resources such as nickel. Economic blackmail is clearly at
play, given the catastrophic situation in the archipelago: over 25,000
unemployed, a CAFAT (the Senegalese social security fund) that can no
longer afford to pay pensions, and medical assistance that has been cut
see our latest bulletin on the social situation. The Bougival document
was intended to be a draft to be discussed further within each signatory
organization, but the State and the colonial right wing quickly
presented it as a definitive agreement. The FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist
National Liberation Front) withdrew its signature in August and is
mobilizing for the total rejection of this draft agreement as is a
large majority of the independence movement (including the USTKE trade
union). A supplement was signed on January 19, 2026, to postpone the
planned timetable. And a bill has been introduced by the government to
enshrine this draft agreement in the constitution. It was adopted by the
Senate on February 14th and will be presented to the National Assembly
on March 24th for a vote on March 30th the goal being to convene the
Congress of Versailles and hold a referendum on the acceptance of Kanaky
by Bougival at the end of April 2026. The timeline is tight for
independence, as France wants to maintain a strategic foothold in the
South Pacific, with accelerated militarization along the Indo-Pacific axis.
The independence movement is mobilizing, and so are we here. A national
demonstration is planned for March 21st. And we will continue to
reiterate: the political situation cannot be separated from the
situation of Kanak youth who face discrimination, whether in terms of
employment or education, nor from a colonial justice system that
continues to imprison them.
Julie, from Solidarité Kanaky,
March 20, 2026
http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4679
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