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(en) Spaine, Regeneracion: We Need a Strategy to Leap Forward By CONTRIBUTIONS* (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Sat, 4 Apr 2026 09:53:10 +0300
In anarcho-syndicalist circles, the term "strategy" sometimes seems to
be a dirty word. It doesn't align with our cultural universe, our
"natural affinity for spontaneity," or a way of understanding freedom
that tends to focus exclusively on its negative aspect (not being
obligated to do something) and not on its obvious positive component
(being able to do something).
However, our trade union organizations aspire to become mass
organizations, capable of bringing together broad sectors of the working
population. And this is where we navigate a permanent contradiction:
constant improvisation and a culture of "reacting to what happens as it
happens" are hardly compatible with real intervention in an increasingly
complex social context, where analyzing reality and planning
collectively are essential skills.
Strategy is the ability to agree when planning our intervention in
reality and to implement that intervention in a coordinated and coherent
manner. Strategy is such an anarcho-syndicalist tool that we should
really understand the transformation of craft unions into unified unions
at the 1918 Sants Congress of the Catalan Regional CNT as a pioneering
strategy that allowed the organization to generate the necessary
infrastructure to strike together in entire productive sectors. And this
organizational change, imposed on all trade unions and societies by the
agreements of the aforementioned Congress, enabled concrete victories in
the labor struggle, such as the famous La Canadiense strike of 1919.
So we must have a strategy, because strategy is the only thing that
allows us to break with the inertia that pushes the labor movement, time
and again, toward a certain passivity in periods when conflict is not
starkly apparent. In fact, our criticism of the official unions (UGT and
CCOO) stems from their ingrained passivity, their leaden militant folly.
That their organizations are based on professionalized activism, relying
on perks and perpetual privileges, is not what the working class truly
criticizes, but rather their utter inability to generate effective
social power. Professionalization is what explains their incapacity,
what generates it in many cases, the reason for their disconnect from
the urgent needs of working-class misery. But if they were truly
effective in improving the living conditions of the working class, many
of these shortcomings would be forgiven. The truth is that CCOO and UGT
lack any strategy for confronting employers and simply languish
alongside them, accepting to manage exploitation jointly (but in a
subordinate position) with the business sector.
But having a radical ideology does not exempt us from the tendency
toward bureaucratization, present in every large political or social
organization. Because, as the Argentinian activist John William Cooke
said, bureaucratic behavior is not defined solely by cowardice,
reformism, or corruption. At the heart of bureaucracy, what truly exists
is the absence of any strategy. The bureaucracy merely pretends to
fight, routinely harassing the government with small, unambitious
mobilizations, under the assumption that, sooner or later, the
unfavorable social situation will change and the government will either
collapse on its own or decide to buy off the bureaucracy for what it
believes it's worth. However, that never happens. Passivity breeds
passivity, and the bureaucracy drains all the sources of vitality from
the working class, lulling it into a culture of routine and conformism.
To avoid becoming a bureaucracy and passively repeating ourselves in a
fatalistic loop of routine, we must equip ourselves with a strategy. We
must seriously analyze reality to collectively determine how we will
intervene to change it. We must organize action and deploy it according
to a plan. A collective, flexible plan that can be modified according to
circumstances, but also a plan grounded in a rigorous understanding of
social reality and our own strengths and capabilities. A plan that must
begin by starting with the following elements:
First, to outline an effective strategy for intervening in working life,
beyond each individual workplace, we must have an in-depth understanding
of the reality that surrounds us. We must understand the working class
in our country and how the production model of each of the Iberian
territories is structured. We must know how the Spanish economy connects
with international value chains and global markets. We must study how
investment funds and banks influence our working lives, even if it's not
entirely obvious because they sit on boards of directors but are not
usually physically present in the workplace. We must analyze how social
contradictions such as sexism, racism, or the desire for independence
among certain segments of the population in specific regions of our
country shape our culture and our productive world. We must understand
what is happening in the context of other social sectors, such as
self-employment, cooperatives, small businesses, or even large
corporations, in order to define an appropriate strategy for interacting
(or clashing) with them.
To understand reality, we must foster research and continuous learning
among our members. We must promote well-founded debates and studies
about the real situation that surrounds us. Simply formulating
hypotheses about the foreseeable long-term future, as some of our most
prominent thinkers do, is not enough, even if it may be necessary. Our
analyses must be situated, embodied in the world of today and tomorrow,
not just the day after tomorrow. To intervene consciously, we must plan
the next steps, not just dwell on the possibility of distant futures
that slip through our fingers.
The second element necessary for designing an effective strategy for
anarcho-syndicalism today is the will to leap. To leap beyond routine
and the everyday. To leap beyond the conformist tendency to repeat
ourselves endlessly. To leap beyond our passive habit of confining
ourselves to small, familiar spaces ("my neighborhood, my workplace, my
social center") in order to develop a broader and more elevated
perspective. To truly intervene in society, we must dedicate energy and
resources to planning a strategy that transcends the scope of the union
section or the specific territory while still remaining attentive to
those same realities. The slogan "think globally, act locally" is
misleading. To intervene effectively, we must also consider the local
context and act on a large scale using global tools such as general
strikes, national or European advocacy campaigns, and the development of
a joint working-class program across the Iberian Peninsula with concrete
demands, a specific mobilization schedule, and a broad network of
alliances to promote it.
The third element is understanding that a crucial part of an effective
strategy is deciding with whom to work. None of our organizations can
drive major transformations on its own. Not even a joint
anarcho-syndicalist platform could do so. For that, we need broad and
deep alliances with social movements, militant trade unions, and
citizens' groups that want to transform our country in a progressive
direction (progressive lawyers' associations, human rights groups,
progressive cultural organizations, revolutionary political
organizations, etc.). Deciding with whom to ally ourselves in each
region or for each demand is a fundamental strategic decision. And
that's why we must stop defining alliances solely based on abstract
discourse (ideology, rhetoric, "loyalty" to ideas that aren't embodied
in concrete experiences) and start talking seriously (but without
naiveté) with those who can facilitate real progress in specific
contexts, even if they worship other gods or wave other flags. We must
introduce situated rationality where we usually only manage to focus on
abstract identity-based emotions.
But the most essential element for developing an effective strategy, the
most decisive and important one, is something else entirely. The
keystone of strategic thinking is optimism. A lucid yet uncompromising
optimism. From pessimism, fatalism, and sadness, it's difficult to build
anything real. Nothing important has ever been accomplished in history
without passion. The battle for the joy of fighting the battle is the
first and most decisive one we must wage. We must understand the current
situation, but in order to seize the opportunity to change it, not to
wallow in defeat and make it permanent.
Truly, only those who are actively engaged in battles win them. And to
be actively engaged in them, we must design a strategy. Collectively,
participatively, rigorously, and with sound reasoning, debating
everything necessary, modifying it as reality changes, but effectively
planning the action and learning from it.
We must refuse to bureaucratize our minds, as Paulo Freire said. We must
force ourselves to think seriously about what we want to do and how we
are going to do it. That's a path to jump over.
José Luis Carretero Miramar.
*Originally published on January 7, 2026 in Kaos en la Red
https://regeneracionlibertaria.org/2026/02/22/necesitamos-una-estrategia-para-saltar/
_________________________________________
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