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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #6-26 - If it's not the butler, it's the anarchist. The seductive anarchist trail (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Thu, 2 Apr 2026 09:25:12 +0300


"Only two things are certain in life: death and taxes." Even in light of recent news events, this famous phrase definitely needs updating: the list of facts considered indisputable is missing the usual and eternally current "anarchist trail," a timeless classic that goes with everything and never goes out of style, perfectly suited to both public ceremonies like street demonstrations and more exclusive events like train malfunctions.

In the vast supermarket of disinformation, front-page headlines, mass media editorials, and large-scale newspaper reports are always eager to thaw out pre-packaged, ready-to-use products; and among these, for some mysterious reason, the so-called anarchist origin of every incident has always been one of the most sought-after, with the longest shelf life and strictly no expiration date.

Given the extreme, widespread, and widespread presence of these phantom anarchist troops, capable, thanks to their exorbitant numbers and their innate ability to participate in and influence every event so decisively, one wonders how borders, armies, private property, authorities, and states can still exist.

History, unfortunately, is an endless stream of blame shifted onto innocent anarchists to cover up the real culprits and unsuspecting instigators of terrible events and massacres: suffice it to recall, to name just a few, Sacco and Vanzetti, Pinelli, the Chicago martyrs, Ferrer i Guàrdia, and the Baracca Five.

It would be all too easy, and not entirely inappropriate, to wallow in petty victimhood, indulge in the rhetoric of martyrdom, and retreat into a sort of "Calimero syndrome." But this, in addition to failing to do justice to those who paid with their lives defending their ideas and fighting for a better world, would risk obscuring the full extent of the underlying mechanisms of this type of suspicion, which is readily brought up whenever those in power feel the need to close ranks, rally together, defend their interests, and conceal their own inadequacies.

At this point, it is legitimate, and necessary, to ask ourselves why the so-called anarchist path has become so seductive, to the point of being, invariably, the preferred option to be fed to public opinion.

The first reason seems obvious enough: it's the well-known principle of the art of illusion applied to politics: just as the magician tricks the spectator into looking where nothing is happening so that he or she doesn't see where everything is happening, so power shifts attention from its own inadequacies, failures, broken promises, inefficiencies, and failures and, with a dramatic twist, turns the spotlight elsewhere, distracting the "spectator" who, very often, as in conjuring tricks, doesn't want to know the truth but rather wants to be deceived.

This applies both to specific and circumscribed areas: inefficiencies in public order, transportation delays, critical issues in healthcare and education, environmental protection, the housing crisis, and prison conditions; and to more general policies: the war economy, positioning in the international risk game, immigration, subservience to large multinationals and economic power.

Added to this, of course, is the expedient of creating an internal enemy, personified by those who "do not wish the country's good"; who dare to challenge the core principles on which "civil subjection" is based; who do not borrow anyone's mind to elaborate their thoughts; who hold opinions different from those "legitimately approved"; who, to quote Benni, do not submit to the invitation "be the majority," understood here not in a parliamentary but in an existential sense.

In turn, the creation and identification of this internal enemy, its media pillorying and public ridicule, provides the impeccable and "democratically necessary" rationale for a whole series of restrictive and public safety measures that selectively target everything "other" than the official narrative. With every manifestation of dissent, criticism, protest, and alternative behavior effectively prevented-automatically declared illegal, prohibited, and repressed-those who refuse to accept the impossibility of expressing and advancing their ideas return to being the infamous and beloved "evildoers" we call "criminals," in a self-perpetuating short circuit.

The internal enemy also plays a more subtle, yet simultaneously more impactful, role in taming the public and enlisting it as the primary defender of power, to the detriment of both its own personal and collective interests: dissent and protest are demonized and made to appear as the cause of evil, without analyzing, much less eliminating, the causes of the unrest and the real conditions that led to the protests. As always, the preference is to address the "symptoms" and leave the disease untreated. Victims are transformed into executioners, those violated (by the system) into violent individuals, the oppressed into oppressors, or, much more simply and cynically, they are chosen not to see them, to make them disappear, to transform them into untouchable pariahs.

Many, if not all, of these considerations seem so obvious that listing and highlighting them seems almost pointless. However, one wonders why, given their obvious simplicity, the mechanisms described above remain so resilient, effective, and active, yet seemingly hidden and so difficult to understand. A more than significant role in this dynamic is undoubtedly played by the mass media and, more generally, by what would once have been called the intelligentsia or cultural elite; by intellectual elaboration, analysis of reality, and criticism increasingly subject to market rules; by the climate it helps create in the "paying public," and by the almost total, almost irreconcilable, detachment from the real situation of the masses.

It would be impossible to even sketchily address the above-mentioned issues here; suffice it to mention that we are immersed in an increasingly virtual world, dominated by appearances and self-referentiality; simultaneously increasingly digitally connected and irremediably disconnected from a "flesh-and-blood" community. A world in which every piece of news becomes a commodity and acquires value solely based on its marketability; where speed becomes essential to the detriment of reflection and careful analysis; where the endless production and unlimited access to every type of news translates into "no news"; where every fact, whether real or invented, is evaluated based on the reactions it provokes and the consensus it inspires; where the impression created is the only important effect, and therefore the method of communication becomes crucial rather than what is communicated. A world where the line between reality and (artificially constructed) fiction is increasingly blurred and less and less relevant. In this sense, the constant repetition of the words "anarchists" or "antagonists" and "attack," "explosives," "clashes," "accidents," "riots"-precisely because of the superficiality of the information provided; the constant and hypnotic bombardment of terms; the ostentatious addition of bloody and violent images, often taken out of context; of the constant, incessant, and obsessive reiteration of the "us and them" dichotomy: all of this contributes to the creation of a climate of paternalistic populism congenial to the cultivation of individuals ready to rally to the defense of those who actually subjugate and exploit them, or, at most, to remain indifferent, to isolate themselves, to try to survive without complications, to consider the status quo unchangeable.

In this sense, participation in the creation of a climate of open hostility toward "disturbers of the public peace" is equally shared by the entire spectrum of institutional politics, be it government or opposition.

In fact, both are fighting to capture shares of the "market consensus," playing the part that the common script dictates: the former defenders of legality against any disruptive element; the latter supporters of any form of "civilly" expressed protest. Both are aligned in defense of the system they help perpetuate, both are ready to sacrifice in defense of their privileges those who, not being a market target to whom they can sell their lies in exchange for votes, are expendable.

Although the accusations against anarchists are, and always have been, primarily instrumental and come from those who support and abet economic exploitation, the authoritarian, hierarchical, and arbitrary power of one class over another, wars between states, and domestic and international indifference, there remains a certain frustration in seeing a movement, an idea, and individuals who have always fought, struggled, rebelled, and lived to create a fully free society aimed at the complete realization of everyone's aspirations, a society where coexistence, mutual support, and autonomy are guaranteed not by the arrogance of law arbitrarily imposed by an authority, but by the spontaneous agreement of free individuals, continually trivialized and reduced to a sort of caricature.

This is why we do not believe that "our freedom ends where that of others begins." We do not see others as a limitation; we are not competing to grab a larger share of freedom at the expense of others.

We see the freedom of our peers as an essential element in increasing our own freedom; we are individuals, but we become free only collectively: "our freedom is such and develops only thanks to the freedom of others." As Bakunin argued, uniting idea and action: "No man can emancipate himself except by emancipating with him all the men around him."

Alessandro Fini

https://umanitanova.org/se-non-e-il-maggiordomo-e-lanarchico-la-seducente-pista-anarchica/
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