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(en) Italy, FAI, Umanita Nova #1-26 - Beyond the Backyard. Venezuela and Greenland - US Aggressive Policies and Capitalist Interests (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Mon, 9 Feb 2026 07:42:25 +0200


It seems appropriate that a reflection on the events in Venezuela should go well beyond the traditional "backyard" view, which for over a century has clearly demonstrated the nature of US capitalism's interests and its actions to defend its investments in South America. The Venezuelan events not only concern relations between North and South America, but must be evaluated for their global impact. Intervening in Caracas actually conceals the intention to strike much further afield; the true objective is far more substantial than a South American "caudillo," the real scenarios at play lie thousands of kilometers away. In March of last year, an article published in issue 6 of Umanità Nova outlined considerations on the strategic importance of the Arctic region and the interest the US administration had publicly expressed in the region at that time. This interest has been forcefully renewed by Trump and reiterated just after the military intervention in Venezuela, sparking international outcry and concern. What was observed almost a year ago in the columns of U.N. remains highly relevant today for geoeconomic and geopolitical analyses regarding US interests in new Arctic routes, rare raw materials, and the strategic position of the Greenland and Canadian platforms for intercepting nuclear missiles. However, reviving the issue of Arctic control in conjunction with the operation launched in Venezuela is no mere coincidence. The military raid in Venezuela is not "just" a demonstration of US power expansion, as has been commonly interpreted by the media, but an action that is part of broader scenarios.

Let's proceed in order. First, it's important to emphasize that the issue of drug trafficking is completely misleading and based solely on propaganda. The operation in Venezuela was downgraded to an international police intervention against drug trafficking under the pretext of defending the national interest, thus avoiding the necessary Congressional authorization for extraterritorial military operations. Above all, a shortcut was tested for possible follow-up to similar operations, such as potential interventions in Colombia or Cuba (although in this case, the option is likely to fall more towards internal destabilization than direct intervention). This choice is extremely dangerous from a political standpoint for a liberal democratic system, even a presidential one like the United States, as it exposes the government-that is, the President-to complete arbitrariness, with the potential for repeated military interventions disguised as police operations defending the national interest. It's worth remembering, among other things, that events like those in Libya, Iraq, and Afghanistan, where a regime, often a hostile dictator, an international symbol of opposition to US policy, was overthrown, have over time triggered a scenario far worse than the previous one, far more complicated even for American interests, where the U.S. often ended up on the losing end. Having successfully overthrown the "dictator" with media hype and subjected his eternal enemy to the pillory of a "democratic process," it is then discovered, once justice has been served, that he has left behind a complete political and social vacuum that is inexorably being filled by a myriad of improvised "gang leaders" and "militias," effectively a fragmentation. Current Libya is a striking example of this, with a situation that makes even American interests difficult to defend and subject to constant negotiations.

We will soon see if the Venezuelan situation reproduces similar scenarios. Meanwhile, to understand what is happening, we must move beyond the most banal interpretation and look beyond the strategic horizon of our own backyard, seeking to understand the international consequences of what happened in Caracas. First, we must broaden our perspective to China's position in the global economy and, above all, to the economic dimension Beijing could achieve if it were to add the logistical and commercial advantages of the new Arctic routes to its current levels.

From this perspective, Trump's statements, such as "We need Greenland for national security," have real merit and can only be linked to the Venezuelan operation. Both objectives are based on the shared desire to deprive China's production machine, the true competitor of US capitalism. From this perspective, it is important for the US to directly manage the world's largest oil reserve, Venezuela, while simultaneously overseeing the Arctic routes, the shortest and safest route for Chinese and Eastern goods in general. In short, it controls the world's largest oil reserves, Venezuela's, and what will be one of the most important logistics routes for global trade between East and West, the Arctic.

It is clear that the anti-Maduro operation is aimed at exploiting the world's largest oil reserves, which are currently Venezuela's; furthermore, Trump himself has stated that US industries will extract directly there. At stake, then, is the material possession of what will be available in the future, and the precise objective of the operation is to curb the expansion of China's manufacturing machine and its global commercial influence. Controlling future Arctic routes, which primarily benefit Chinese trade, therefore becomes a geostrategic priority. It goes without saying that a potential "Greenland operation" would not enjoy the media and propaganda benefits of the anti-Maduro operation, but would encounter obvious geopolitical contradictions. It would, in fact, constitute the first internal territorial violation within NATO, difficult to resolve and unlikely to be welcomed by Western public opinion.

At present, US military supremacy is undisputed, but China's undoubted technological and scientific advances, while not allowing us to make predictions, make it highly likely that the gap between China and the US will be bridged in the not-too-distant future. The underlying issue is that Beijing is faster in innovation: it is here that global capitalism will essentially take stock of the role individual countries will have on the global stage. Today, global market competition is being played out between two rivals. On one side, Trump is appearing with tariffs, a gunboat policy, and above all, cutting public funding to its best universities. He severely hinders the circles and minds that should be at the forefront of the intelligentsia and research, whether foreigners or fellow countrymen who are not "aligned" with his policies, reneging on the sacred principle of capitalism according to which business comes first; first you have to prove you can make money, then you can tell me what you think. On the other side, Beijing is showing another side: a fiercely selective school system that selects "its best minds" and places them at the service of the state and its ruling classes, engaged in unprecedented exploitation, winning the challenge for innovation and the future. Chinese capitalism is more pragmatic; it has learned this for millennia. During the "Great Leap," Deng Xiaoping, the father of modern China, revived the ancient Mandarin saying, more relevant today than ever: "It doesn't matter whether the cat is black or white, as long as it catches the mouse." This means that business deals are concluded with all governments or private parties, regardless of their color, because the important thing is that the deal goes well. Unfortunately, those who pay the price are always the exploited, and the oppressor is always the state.

Daniele Ratti

https://umanitanova.org/aldila-del-giardino-di-casa-venezuela-e-groenlandia-politiche-di-aggressione-usa-e-interessi-del-capitale/
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