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(en) US, BRRN: Against the Authoritarian Advance: Fighting on the Ropes but Fighting Back (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 19 Jan 2026 07:18:13 +0200
On a yearly basis Black Rose/Rosa Negra engages in a lengthy process of
research, analysis, and debate to examine the ways that social,
political, economic, and cultural forces are interacting to shape the
present moment in the United States. We do this to better position
ourselves for intervention, using information we glean to revise our
limited term strategy, with the ever-present goal of shifting the
balance of forces in favor of the dominated classes.
The process of creating our conjunctural analysis begins at the Local
level and flows up through our national Federation. Early drafts of the
document you will read below are debated and discussed in advance of our
organization's annual convention. At this national gathering delegates
deliver further feedback and critique, after which a final version is
drafted and put before the organization's membership through referendum.
The following is Black Rose/Rosa Negra's conjunctural analysis for
2025-2026.
Introduction
As revolutionaries, we work to understand our world so that we can act
to change it more effectively. Our conjunctural analysis is our
understanding of the main forces that are shaping the world, how they
interact and contradict each other, and how that defines our current
moment. It is not just a static snapshot of everything that has happened
in the past year. It is an attempt to capture the dynamic processes that
play out across time.
In our first conjunctural analysis in 2023, we identified several key
contradictions that are defining this period, such as:
Mobilization without organization: People are ready to mobilize to
protest in large numbers but they are not creating lasting organization.
Faltering neoliberalism: The hegemony of neoliberal economics is now
over but it is not clear what will replace it.
The polycrisis: Multiple factors are driving crises with increasing
frequency and amplitude, creating a period of overlapping "polycrisis".
Institutional crisis of legitimacy: The status quo has failed the vast
majority of people, leading to a collapse in support for the center and
an openness to alternatives on both the right and left, but the
Democrats cling to a support for the centrist status quo.
Empire in decline: US global hegemony is weakening, leading to desperate
attempts to maintain imperial power while more space opens up other
states to act.
These points still stand, and we believe that there is a great deal of
continuity with the current moment, but with an acceleration of
previously noted trends and some key changes with Trump's second term.
With the first year of Trump's second term showing the growing power of
the far-right in an increasingly destabilized world, we can highlight
two new points that we believe are key to finding effective action in
this moment:
White Christian nationalism in the driver's seat: An aggressive white
Christian nationalist ideology is driving Trump's policies, but while
the onslaught of attacks have thrown their targets off balance they are
also beginning to provoke new resistance and also cracks in the MAGA
coalition.
A decayed social fabric: Generations of economic and technological
change are leading to a world where individuals are disconnected, alone,
and alienated; creating harsh terrain for social movements but also a
widespread yearning for community and social support.
The National Conjuncture
The return of Trump to the Oval Office has struck blows to the national
and international order. His administration's authoritarian nationalist
agenda has made strides in eroding the foundations of liberal democracy
at home and degrading the so-called "rules-based order" at the
international level, fanning the flames of compounding crises shaping
the world capitalist system in the name of putting "America First".
Authoritarianism is on the march in the United States and beyond.
Feeding off widespread fear, insecurity, alienation, and anger -
symptoms of a crumbling world system facing a deep crisis of legitimacy
- it is offering its base a set of scapegoats, violent revenge, the
unifying vision of a mythic past, the promise of restoring "traditional
values" and social hierarchies, a sense of national pride and
hypermasculine, military strength.
In the US, Trump's brand of authoritarianism has taken the form of an
unapologetic white Christian nationalism, unmasking the settler colonial
foundation of the country's founding. His administration has converted a
thinly veiled white supremacy into one of the central motivating forces
of government policy, even when it conflicts with the needs of major
capitalists.
Yet Trump is only the most dangerous and destructive player within an
international far-right movement born out of the overlapping crises
shaping the globe, from the ecological to the genocidal, reflecting a
wide range of reactionary regimes in Israel, India, Italy, Hungary,
Argentina and elsewhere.
As Trump and the far-right advance, wielding state power with brute
force, the Democratic Party has nothing meaningful to offer. Many mass
struggles are beginning to punch back, but more work is needed to grow
their strength. Meanwhile, much of the organized left is oriented toward
an "inside-outside" strategy - mainly emphasizing the "inside the state"
side of the equation - or various flavors of political party-building.
But authoritarian times demand anti-authoritarian politics. Liberal
calls to "defend democracy" lead us up a cul de sac. The growing threat
of fascism will not be eliminated by defending the same system that
created the conditions for its birth, but in fighting the far-right
outside and against the state itself - while laying the groundwork for a
better world.
Economy: Climbing Costs, Signs of Slump
Trump's economic policies have exacerbated the growing divide between
labor and capital.1 His "One Big Beautiful Bill Act" (OBBBA) combines
"the largest upward wealth transfer in American history" with cuts to
health insurance and food assistance for the poorest people in the
country.2 As many of the "Magnificent Seven" in Big Tech rake in record
profits from advertising and increasing investments in Artificial
Intelligence (AI), living and working conditions for much of the working
class continue to deteriorate.3
This is clear in the rising cost of living. A combination of erratic
tariff policy and the Trump regime's sweeping assault on immigrants has
contributed to rising inflation, reflected in recent increases in
consumer prices, especially for groceries, gas and medical care.4
Meanwhile rents are on the rise across the country-fuelling
record-breaking growth in homelessness-with US median rent prices
increasing by nearly 3% in August, the highest since December 2022.5
Along with the uptick in inflation are a set of continuously worsening
jobs figures. The unemployment rate recently hit a nearly four-year high
of 4.3%, meaning about 7.4 million people are looking for, but cannot
find work.6 A recent report from the Labor Department highlighted that
weekly applications for unemployment aid spiked from 27,000 to 263,000,
also the highest in nearly four years.7 Rising prices and sluggish job
growth have raised speculation about a possible recession or
"stagflation"- a mix of inflation, a stagnant economy and high
unemployment - especially if the growing AI bubble bursts.8
The labor market is especially bleak for Black workers. While the
overall unemployment rate hit 4.3%, it surged to 7.5% in August for
Black workers, more than double the rate of their white counterparts
(3.7%), with Black women disproportionately impacted.9 This stems in
part from the Trump administration slashing federal jobs, where Black
workers make up nearly 19% of the workforce, along with ongoing attacks
on Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) programs.
The jobs that are being added to the economy are concentrated in
healthcare and other industries related to social reproduction-sometimes
called 'human services.'10 While we are likely to see continued growth
in this area with increasing demand from an aging population, the
"Crisis of Care" that we pointed to in our previous conjunctural
analysis is deepening, dramatically accelerated by massive cuts made to
Medicaid, SNAP, and other social services passed in the OBBBA,
particularly in rural areas of the country. 11
Workers overall have a gloomy outlook on economic conditions. According
to a recent poll, 56% of respondents said the economy is "getting
worse".12 The majority used words like "uncertain" and "struggling" to
describe the economy with the expectation that prices will continue to
rise under Trump, who has done little to alleviate these fears beyond
acknowledging their reality on the campaign trail last year. Instead,
Trump has concentrated capital in the hands of fewer firms and families,
including his own through corrupt crypto ventures and kickbacks.13
Outside of growth in the healthcare sector, unprecedented investment in
AI is also serving to prop up the economy.14 In our last conjunctural
analysis we pointed to AI as an increasingly important factor, though we
focused mainly on its role in driving resource extraction, energy use,
and thus climate change.15 Since then, AI has been aggressively
integrated into our economic and social lives. The rapid expansion of AI
data centers threatens to exacerbate the ecological crisis and raise
utility costs, but it has also become a growing site of struggle for
local communities seeking to prevent their construction.16
Despite the trillions of dollars being generated or invested in the AI
arms race, its tangible impact on worker productivity has been
dubious.17 Despite these clearly emerging limitations capital continues
to flow to AI firms, suggesting that speculation rather than
fundamentals are driving investment and further lending credence to the
argument that the sector is in the midst of a bubble.18 AI firms readily
admit the precarious economic position that they are in and despite
protestations to the contrary, their pursuit of aggressive scaling
strategies point to an expectation that the federal government will act
as a backstop if and when things fall apart.19
Authoritarianism Advances
Trump and his administration learned their lesson from 2016-2020. They
came back prepared. Since returning to office in January, with Project
2025 program in hand, they have been on an unrelenting blitz to reshape
society and the state: concentrating ever more power in the executive
branch, imposing a white nationalist ideology through key cultural
institutions, unleashing troops and ICE agents on cities across the
country, and exerting increasing control over the federal bureaucracy.
They have carried out a series of systematic purges designed to
transform or eliminate federal agencies, especially those that regard
themselves as 'independent'. Beginning with the so-called 'Department of
Government Efficiency' (DOGE) under Elon Musk - prior to his fallout
with Trump over the summer - on through to the government shutdown, this
regime has been on a mission to gut the administrative state and
concentrate power in the executive branch.
But while many features of the administrative state have been hollowed
out or hobbled, its repressive apparatus is being put on steroids.
Trump's OBBBA provides more than $170 billion for the Department of
Homeland Security (DHS) over the next four years, giving it a budget
larger than most countries' militaries.20 $75 billion of this new DHS
funding is earmarked for use by Immigration and Customs Enforcement
(ICE) to do everything from hiring 10,000 new personnel, to constructing
and maintaining massive migrant detention facilities. As well, tens of
billions more is broken out for use by Customs and Border Protection
(CBP) to further militarize the border.
The express goal of this unparalleled increase in DHS funding is the
systematic deportation of at least 1 million people per year, fully in
line with Trump's nativist, racist rhetoric describing migrants as
"poisoning the blood of our country" and his calls for "mass
deportations". 21
Since Trump's inauguration, masked ICE agents have been terrorizing
immigrant communities across the country, raiding workplaces, fields,
neighborhoods, immigration courts and more to meet their callous quotas.
In turn, ICE operations have led to outbursts of popular anger and
effective resistance, the clearest example being the combative street
protests in Los Angeles during June 2025.22
Responding to nascent popular resistance, Trump has mobilized the
National Guard and active duty Marines to assist ICE. While elements of
the military have been used on very rare occasions to put down large
scale riots in the past, their deployment in response to protests of the
size in Los Angeles is unprecedented. A drawn out legal battle has
ensued over the legality of the National Guard's deployment, but has
done little to prevent the administration from expanding the practice.
In August, Trump seized control of the D.C. police force, claiming that
crime in the city had spiraled out of control despite all evidence to
the contrary.23 Soon after, the administration again deployed the
National Guard and officers from other federal agencies to patrol the
streets of the capitol.24 Trump has since threatened or moved to do the
same in other cities, including Chicago, Memphis, Baltimore, and Oakland
- all cities with a large Black population and Black, Democratic mayors.
The scale of escalating deportations has wreaked havoc on immigrants and
their families, but it has proven profitable for private contractors and
foreign governments. Billions of dollars have been doled out in US
government contracts to private prisons, airline industries, and the
governments of nearly a dozen countries, all reaping the profits from
Trump's xenophobic crackdown on immigration. 25
While some capitalist sectors benefit, a greater number of businesses
have suffered economically from ongoing attacks on the super-exploited
workforce that they depended on. In June, leaders of the hotel and
farming industries asked for exemptions from raids, but after a brief
pause the administration reversed its decision, showing a greater
allegiance to its white nationalist program than to the immediate needs
of capital.26
Trump's authoritarian agenda, from mass deportations to concentrating
power in the executive, has been facilitated by the reactionary majority
on the Supreme Court. Similar to Trump's first term, all of the major
efforts undertaken by the administration have been challenged in lower
courts, with many now stalled by injunctions. However, while liberals
and centrists celebrated these injunctions as victories early in 2025,
the administration is now prevailing in nearly every case taken up by
the Supreme Court. These include rulings clearing the way for the mass
revocation of Temporary Protected Status, deportation of individuals to
places other than their country of origin, and ICE's use of race,
ethnicity, or language as "reasonable suspicion" for detentions.27
The Trump administration and its allies are also waging an ideological
war, aimed at the influential institutions that shape and reproduce US
society: public schools, universities, media outlets, libraries,
museums, and research programs. As the right-wing continues to
consolidate its hold over mass media outlets, the Trump regime is
pushing core cultural institutions to adopt its white nativist
ideology.28 In most cases the state has used extortion, threatening to
withhold or slash funding, to force these institutions to comply. While
some independently wealthy institutions like prestigious private
universities have put up minor resistance, most have acquiesced.
Surrender has come especially quickly in instances where universities
have recognized the opportunity to rid themselves of troublemaking
pro-Palestine student organizers.29
The Democratic Party, for its part, remains in disarray a full year
after the 2024 presidential election. Until September of 2025, Democrats
were content to "play possum" in hopes that Trump's extreme measures
might cost Republicans in the midterm elections. However, growing unrest
and outrage at the base of the party are driving it to take a somewhat
more proactive approach, mainly by initiating the longest government
shutdown in US history.30 Similar to Trump's first term, Democrats are
again falling back on the courts as the primary mechanism to block the
administration's agenda; a losing game as discussed above. Despite
belated attempts to satisfy their base, the Party continues to bleed
support and faces one of its lowest favorability ratings in decades.31
Despite some turbulence, the MAGA coalition has managed to maintain a
tenuous unity by downplaying and managing emerging contradictions -
though new cracks have opened in relation to Trump's refusal to release
information about infamous predator and sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein.
Some seized on the hope that Trump's ouster of Musk as head of DOGE in
May 2025 would create a schism within the administration's coalition.
But after a week of trading barbs online (including Musk implying that
Trump is a pedophile), the confrontation ultimately fizzled without
lasting impact. Challenges from the 'America First' faction of Trump's
base over the administration's bombing of Iran, and to some extent over
the genocide in Gaza, have produced only minor cracks in the coalition.
Trump has also butted heads with the Federalist Society, a pillar of the
legal conservative establishment, for recommending insufficiently loyal
judicial appointees, but their relationship remains mostly intact.
One of the most significant internal divisions within the MAGA movement
so far has come from its conspiratorial contingent.32 Trump has received
significant public pressure for his refusal to make good on a campaign
promise to disclose information from a federal investigation into now
dead sexual predator Jeffrey Epstein, with whom Trump maintained
personal ties. Trump's refusal to engage on the Epstein issue has driven
a wedge in Republican ranks. Far-right and conspiracy-minded
congresspeople such as Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene have
been made to 'put up or shut up' in the midst of a political crisis
related to Trump's refusal to release the so-called 'Epstein Files'.
Ultimately, Trump was forced to concede on the issue and allow passage
of a bill clearing the way for the release of information on Epstein.
These growing fractures highlight Trump's status as a lame duck president.
Part of the glue that still holds much of the MAGA coalition together,
beyond its rabid xenophobia, is its commitment to reinforcing and
reasserting heteropatriarchy. This is most glaring in the growing number
of right-wing attacks against trans people. In addition to a series of
executive orders aimed at imposing a gender binary, nearly 1,000
anti-trans bills have been introduced in state legislatures across the
country since Trump's inauguration, targeting just about every aspect of
trans life, including: bans on ID changes and participation in sports,
restrictions on gender-affirming care, bathroom access, and even the
right to publicly exist. 33
Driven by the Christian nationalist wing of the MAGA movement, this
brutal backlash against recent gains from the queer liberation struggle
exploits real and imagined threats to traditional gender norms by
tapping into the fear and frustration emanating from overlapping crises
at home and abroad.
Weaponizing fear and frustration has been a key tool in MAGA's playbook,
a tactic readily employed in the wake of Charlie Kirk's assasination.
Well before the alleged shooter had been identified, many of MAGA's most
prominent voices, from the President down to the base, took to social
media to pin the blame on the "radical left" and whip up calls for
vengeance. Regardless of the shooter's actual motives or politics, the
Trump administration quickly began to manipulate the moment in its
favor, hailing Kirk as a martyr and exploiting his death as an excuse
for escalating political persecution of its opponents, whether through
state repression, unleashing its base on manufactured threats or
vigilante violence.
Growing violence at home, whether politically motivated or not, is a
reflection of growing violence abroad, with US imperialism playing a
central role.
The International Conjuncture
The international conjuncture remains marked by the ongoing decline of
the US empire and erosion of the 'international rules based order.'
These trends are evident in the growing number of international
conflicts, the rise of China and other BRICS nations, shifting
alliances, and the spread of authoritarian nationalism, among other
factors that have destabilized the imperial framework established by the
US following the Second World War.
In its ham-handed attempts to reassert US global dominance, the Trump
administration has undercut many of the institutions that have sustained
the empire over time. The administration's sweeping cuts to federal
programs included the dismantling of USAID, a pillar of US soft power
that served to mask imperial interests through global humanitarian aid.
Abandoning or undermining traditional allies and multilateral
institutions like the World Health Organization, the administration is
reconstructing US foreign policy to reflect its 'America First' principles.
Withdrawing from the US's longstanding role of managing global
capitalism, Trump's nakedly nationalistic foreign policy has not shied
away from intervening in the world. The administration's tariff policies
have disrupted global trade and its cynical claims to being a
peace-maker have proven to be flimsy at best. In Gaza, Israel continues
to violate the terms of the peace deal, Russia's war in Ukraine
continues, and Trump spent the early months of his administration
bombing Yemen and Iran.
The Trump administration has also ratcheted up imperial pressure on
Latin America, oppressing its opponents and assisting its allies in an
effort to revive the "Monroe Doctrine".34 The series of attacks by the
US military on supposed "drug trafficking" vessels carrying passengers
off the coast of Venezuela marks a dangerous shift in imperial strategy
in the region, where the Trump administration has threatened to retake
the Panama Canal, increased tensions with Colombia, ramped up US
military presence in Puerto Rico, and imposed crippling sanctions on an
already strained Cuba facing multiple nationwide blackouts. Meanwhile,
the Trump administration has awarded lucrative carceral contacts to
Nayib Bukele's regime in El Salvador in support of its mass deportation
agenda and offered an open political endorsement and bailout package for
the right-wing government of Javier Milei in Argentina, which made gains
in recent elections despite facing both political scandals and economic
troubles.
Of all its adversaries, however, the US undoubtedly considers China its
most serious imperial rival. As US hegemony declines, China has stepped
in to claim ever more influence as a geopolitical actor. Whereas the
G.W. Bush and Obama administrations pursued strategies of increased
focus on and strategic cooperation with China, the first Trump
administration initiated a radical pivot toward open imperialist
antagonism. But while this rift might increasingly take on a political
and military character, above all else it emerges from state competition
over access to capital and markets with China and its BRICS alliance
gaining ground.
The sharpest edge of the international conjuncture remains in Gaza,
where Israel has been enabled by the US to carry on two years of
genocidal destruction. By this point Israel has dispensed with feigned
justifications for its actions, openly declaring that "there will never
be a Palestinian state, this place is ours."35 Israel has also
dramatically expanded the scope of its attacks, carrying out strikes on
Lebanon, Qatar, Syria, Iran, and Yemen. World leaders and global
institutions have offered little in response to Israel's ongoing
campaign of ethnic cleansing, annexations, regional attacks, and
violations of the "peace deal" in place in Gaza.
Israel's expanding violence in the Middle East reflects growing
international conflict and militarism around the world. While Palestine
and Russia's war in Ukraine have dominated headlines, the globe is
witnessing the highest number of state-based armed conflicts it has seen
in the last seven decades, from the devastating proxy war in Sudan to
continuing clashes in Syria.36 Meanwhile, global military spending hit a
record $2.7 trillion in 2024 as militarism mounts and global relations
between states become increasingly unstable.37
A global wave of uprisings, dubbed the "Gen Z Protests" by media
outlets, have shaken political and economic elites from Asia to the
Americas. Fueled by deepening economic and social precarity, youth-led
mass movements have taken to the streets in Nepal, Peru, Indonesia,
Madagascar, Morocco, Kenya, Serbia, the Philippines, and beyond.38 In
Bangladesh, Nepal, and most recently Madagascar, militant youth
demonstrations have gone as far as toppling the government. Linked
together by shared symbols of solidarity drawn from the world of anime,
these youth-led struggles signal a significant uptick in class struggle
from below in Asia, Africa, and the Americas.
However, much like the Arab Spring before it, many of these protests
have succeeded in mobilizing large numbers but lack substantial
organization, strategy or a program. In this way, while they have
successfully ousted politicians, few durable institutions of popular
power have been constructed toward the end of confronting, abolishing,
and replacing capitalist and state structures, inevitably allowing
another ruling class faction to step in and assume control.
Resistance in the Face of Reaction: Fighting on the Back Foot, but
Fighting Back
Resistance to Trump's authoritarian onslaught has been uneven but
growing. Trump's rapid fire executive orders and demagogic rhetoric put
many of his opponents on the back foot. Though slow to find its footing,
various forms of opposition are beginning to show significant signs of
life as Trump's approval rating hits its lowest point in his second term.
Some of the most significant flashpoints have emerged in response to
excessive overreach from the Trump administration in major cities where
the organized left and mass movements have more capacity and will to
fight back. The militant protests in Los Angeles marked an important
turning point in what was at first a muted response to Trump's return.
The momentum from these initially spontaneous demonstrations has been
sustained and given structure by groups such as Unión del Barrio and the
Los Angeles Tenants Union (LATU). In particular, LATU's efforts
highlight the potential of mass organizations capable not only of
fighting for concessions from bosses or landlords, but of broadening the
scope of their struggle when needed. In this way, we recognize LATU to
be building and exercising popular power.
While LATU is demonstrating a viable path forward in the fightback
against advancing authoritarianism, the tenant movement broadly is at a
crossroads. Tenant unions of all types formed and/or experienced success
during the social and economic upheaval at the height of the COVID-19
pandemic. This included legacy tenant unions (many of which had long ago
ossified into NGO style service projects), 'autonomous' tenant unions
which emphasize a member-led, direct action, and independent approach,
as well as a seemingly new form of tenant union that looks to borrow
heavily from the staff supported playbook of contemporary labor unions.
Though housing precarity remains a major issue in the US, the acute
nature of the crisis during the COVID conjuncture no longer exists. This
has left some tenant organizations struggling to retain membership and
engage in new fights.
By far the largest response to Trump 2.0 has been the "Hands Off" and
"No Kings" protest movements, mobilizing millions across the country in
symbolic single-day demonstrations. No Kings is largely led by liberal
nonprofits with a handful of labor unions and has mobilized a mostly
white, older, and wealthier segment of the population, with calls to
protect the very system that produced Trump and others in the global
turn toward authoritarianism. Despite its many limitations and
contradictions, however, No Kings has been one of the only vehicles
capable of mobilizing a wide range of oppositional forces nationwide and
opens opportunities for the wider left to build a broad-based struggle
capable of stemming the rising far-right tide.
In addition to the No Kings protests, the labor movement mobilized
national days of action on May Day and Labor Day, but its ability to
fight back has been curtailed both by its own reticence and by a
systematic class war from above. In March, Trump issued an executive
order that stripped union protections from more than 1 million federal
workers, making him the largest union buster in US history. 39The
administration's attacks on unions signals to corporations across the
country that it is open season on organized labor. Strikes are down
compared to the last several years, union membership continues to
decline, and the National Labor Relations Board has been hijacked by
Trump appointees.
While weathering these setbacks, some segments of the labor movement are
acting with a renewed vitality. New organizing drives have continued in
the private sector, strikes and strike threats have yielded important
gains, and many unions have incorporated transversal issues such as
migrant and Palestine solidarity into their workplace and community
struggles. As well, the small but formidable 'troublemaker' wing of the
labor movement continues to grow, as Labor Notes gears up for what will
be its largest ever national conference in 2026. It is likely this
fraction will determine whether or not labor becomes a more active force
in combating Trump's authoritarianism.
The resilience of the Palestine solidarity movement has also been
remarkable. National conferences, recurring mass protests, and Boycott,
Divestment, and Sanctions campaigns have all kept the genocide in
Palestine in the spotlight and delivered critical ideological blows to
zionism and the legitimacy of Israel's settler colonial project. This
resilience is further illustrated by durable intermediate level
organizations and networks emerging from the pro-Palestine struggle. In
particular, some chapters of Healthcare Workers for Palestine have
developed crucial linkages in and across workplaces to organize
healthcare workers against ICE.
Balance of Forces
The balance of forces is tipped in favor of the reactionary right in
state power, while nascent popular movements-most notably those in
defense of migrants-are beginning to gather strength and forcibly push
back. Trump's 'flood the zone' approach yielded success in two major
ways: it has so far achieved many of its key objectives and has so far
put the centrist and organized left on the back foot. Although the
organized left is as large and well organized as it has been in a
generation, this has not yet translated into durable, independent mass
movements of the scale necessary to tip the balance of power. A broad
range of new and old capital, for its part, at first skeptical of
Trump's extreme tariff plans, has since lined up to support the
administration's attacks on unions, massive tax cuts, deregulation, and
protectionist favoritism for domestic firms.
In keeping with our assessments in previous conjunctural analyses, we
find that the autonomous, street-based elements of the far-right remain
marginal. While groups like Patriot Front, Proud Boys, Blood Tribe, and
various so-called 'active clubs' have made a limited number of dramatic
public appearances in the last year, their impact has been mostly
negligible. Charlie Kirk's assassination may put a shot in the arms of
these formations or help drive recruitment for Turning Point USA, but it
is still too early to make any assessments of those developments.
Anti-fascist organizers active in the 2016-2018 period should continue
to receive credit for confronting and destabilizing what was then a
serious street-level fascist movement in its infancy. However, the
continued demobilization of the autonomous far-right may now be driven,
at least in part, by its members' short-term strategic and tactical
alignment with the policies of the Trump administration.
While hardened reactionaries have made their skepticism of Trump known,
there is no doubt that they welcome the administration's sweeping
anti-immigrant policies and unvarnished white nativism. More than just
passively supporting the Trump administration's turn toward a more open
white nationalism, previously autonomous elements of the fascist right
are now being given the unprecedented opportunity to enact their vision
from behind a badge. The rapid expansion of DHS and ICE, new norms
allowing federal agents to wear masks, a social media recruitment
campaign that deploys the aesthetics and language of online fascists, as
well as the use of aggressive and previously unseen tactics by said
agencies, are all likely to select for ideologically driven recruits
eager to round up and purge immigrants.
Whether this means that the roughly aligned short-term visions of the
Trump administration and the autonomous far-right will result in the
latter dissolving into the former is still yet to be seen-though we find
the prospect of total consolidation between the two unlikely.
As noted above, liberals and centrists have failed to chart a path out
of the disarray they found themselves in leading up to-and especially
after-the 2024 presidential election. Despite recent belated attempts to
appease its base by deliberately shutting down the government, the
Democratic Party's crisis of legitimacy has only deepened as its
approval rating has ebbed to one of its lowest points in decades.
Some of the more active elements of the Democratic Party base have
mobilized street protests with varying degrees of success over the last
year. These have included the previously mentioned "Hands Off", "No
Kings", and Anti-Elon Musk/DOGE protests at Tesla car dealerships. While
the latter seems to have had the most tangible material impact, each of
these examples are firmly tethered to the Democratic Party and aligned
NGOs, limiting their potential to develop as independent mass movements.
Still, they represent the largest anti-Trump mobilizations thus far.
Taking a broader view, recent polls suggest that Americans' view of
capitalism has continued to decline over the last four years, while at
the same time their view of socialism remains at a historic high.40
Though these kinds of polls tell us very little about how this
diminishing or increasing support manifests materially, it does indicate
that the continued political and social polarization in the US offers
opportunities for intervention. Though the reactionary right is in state
power, its ideas are far from hegemonic.
Of note is New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani's surprise stand out
campaign during the city's Democratic primary. The decisive victory of
Mamdani, a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), has
reignited hope in electoralism for reform-minded progressives in DSA and
beyond. A politically important post, the fixation on a mayoral office
nonetheless reflects a scaling back of the electoral left's ambition in
the aftermath of Bernie Sanders' failed presidential bids. While the
extent to which Mamdami will be able to deliver on his platform is yet
to be seen, it remains the case that concessions delivered on the basis
of political power have time and time again proven to be fundamentally
more vulnerable to reversal than those won and defended via combative
class struggle from below. 41The degree that Mamdani's victory may once
again realign the broader left's strategy toward a focus on electoralism
is yet to be seen.
By orders of magnitude, DSA remains the largest socialist organization
in the United States. However, the organization is beset by a seemingly
endless series of factional disputes. This dynamic was on full display
during the organization's 2025 national convention, where even
anti-zionism and BDS were highly contentious issues.42 In recent years
DSA has struggled to chart a path for itself without a Bernie Sanders
candidacy to cohere behind. Zohran Mamdami-an actual member of DSA,
unlike Sanders-seems to be filling that gap for the organization at
least partially, increasing the likelihood that its strategy going
forward will prioritize elections.
Outside of DSA, there has been noticeable growth in Leninist
party-building groups. The decline of a particular sort of anarchist
influence on the left after disillusionment with Occupy, the rise of
social democratic politics with Bernie Sanders, and the search for a
revolutionary alternative to DSA fueled in part by the Palestine
solidarity struggle, has contributed to the growth of the Party for
Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and the Revolutionary Communists of
America (RCA). While even highly visible left groups like PSL claim only
a tiny fraction of active movement organizers, giving them a relatively
small impact on the overall balance of forces, their attempts to
maneuver into positions of structural control within unions and social
struggles often place the sectarian interests of their party over
building popular power.
A new and highly dangerous development has come in the form of a
resurgent McCarthyism, exemplified first by Senator Josh Hawley's
semi-formal inquiries into Unión del Barrio and the PSL for their
alleged involvement in LA's recent anti-ICE demonstrations.43 In the
wake of Charlie Kirk's assassination, Vice President JD Vance wasted no
time launching a bloody shirt campaign. Calling the left a "terror
network," Vance has ominously promised to use every mechanism of state
power available to initiate a broad crackdown on leftwing
organizations-from NGOs to political groups.44 Most recently, Trump has
issued an executive order designating 'antifa' a "domestic terror
organization" and directed the Department of Justice to compile a list
of domestic "extremist" groups", including those who espouse
"anti-capitalism" and "radical gender ideology".45
Reflecting the assessment in our previous conjunctural analysis, we find
that the organized left's relative frailty has left it struggling with
the disorganizing effect of Trump's legislative and policy onslaught. At
the same time, the organized left has also proven to be a crucial force
in kickstarting and sustaining campaigns, including those related to the
Palestine solidarity movement and defense of migrant communities.
Key tasks of the organized left (including organized anarchists) in the
present include beefing up legal self-defense capabilities in
collaboration with other left groups, building a culture of mass
resistance to advances made by the far-right, and reproducing the
principles and practices that define the model exemplified by LATU - a
commitment to class independence, direct democracy, rank-and-file
control, and direct action - within mass organizations around the
country. As we have seen, only popular power can stand in the way of the
rapid authoritarian advance.
If you enjoyed this read, we recommend our conjunctural analysis for
2024-2025: Crises and Collective Action.
Notes
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/nov/03/wealth-billionaires-increase-trump
https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2025/05/big-beautiful-transfer-of-wealth/682885/
https://www.investopedia.com/what-to-expect-from-the-magnificent-seven-in-the-second-half-of-2025-11766435
https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/11/economy/us-cpi-consumer-price-index-inflation-august
https://www.newsweek.com/map-rents-rise-us-2127390
It is important to note that the BLS issued unemployment rate does not
include individuals who have become discouraged and stopped looking for
work after 4 weeks.
https://apnews.com/article/unemployment-benefits-jobless-claims-layoffs-labor-a69fc3afbbebe731c29824b855e3c83f
https://finance.yahoo.com/video/market-talk-recession-stagflation-everything-204116344.html;
Despite recent attempts by the administration to disrupt the regular
collection and publication of economic data by BLS, working people are
clear about the economic strain felt in their everyday lives.
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/12/business/economy/black-unemployment-federal-layoffs-diversity-initiatives.html
https://www.wsj.com/economy/jobs/healthcare-job-creation-charts-us-economy-adf2ff89
The cuts to Medicare alone are expected to increase the number of
uninsured by 10 million. See: https://www.cbo.gov/publication/61570
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/cbs-news-poll-economy-ratings-uncertain-03-09-2025/
https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2025/08/18/the-number
https://www.nytimes.com/2025/08/27/business/economy/ai-investment-economic-growth.html
Black Rose/Rosa Negra. Conjunctural Analysis 2025: Crises and Collective
Action.
https://www.blackrosefed.org/conjunctural-analysis-2025-crises-and-collective-action/
https://www.npr.org/2025/10/14/nx-s1-5565147/google-ai-data-centers-growth-environment-electricity
Real-Time Population Survey (RPS), a collaboration between the Federal
Reserve Bank of St. Louis and Vanderbilt University found a paltry 1.1%
increase in aggregate productivity for firms that have adopted AI.
https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2025/09/07/what-if-the-ai-stockmarket-blows-up
https://www.wsj.com/opinion/you-may-already-be-bailing-out-the-ai-business-dd67d452
https://www.salon.com/2025/07/03/ices-175-billion-windfall-trumps-mass-deportation-force-set-to-receive-military-level-funding/
https://www.c-span.org/clip/campaign-2024/donald-trump-on-illegal-immigrants-poisoning-the-blood-of-our-country/5098439
https://abcnews.go.com/US/timeline-ice-raids-sparked-la-protests-prompted-trump/story?id=122688437
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/dc-crime-data-national-guard-deployments-analysis/
https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/08/declaring-a-crime-emergency-in-the-district-of-columbia/
https://abcnews.go.com/US/top-private-prison-companies-profits-amid-administrations-immigration/story?id=124591009;
https://ig.ft.com/us-deportation-flights/;
https://www.cfr.org/article/what-are-third-country-deportations-and-why-trump-using-them
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jun/17/ice-raids-farms-hotels-trump
https://www.reuters.com/legal/major-cases-involving-trump-before-us-supreme-court-2025-06-09/
https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/ending-radical-indoctrination-in-k-12-schooling/;
https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/sep/14/rightwing-news-media-journalism
https://www.dailycal.org/news/campus/uc-berkeley-turns-over-personal-information-of-more-than-150-students-and-staff-to-federal/article_a4aad3e1-bbba-42cc-92d7-a7964d9641c5.html
https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/government-shutdown-timeline-senators-40-day-impasse-sudden/
https://news.gallup.com/poll/24655/party-images.aspx
https://threewayfight.org/epsteins-ghost-and-the-many-sides-of-conspiracism/
https://translegislation.com/;
https://truthout.org/articles/more-than-850-anti-lgbtq-bills-filed-so-far-in-2025-the-most-in-us-history/
https://tomdispatch.com/the-trump-corollary/
https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/netanyahu-signs-west-bank-settlement-expansion-plan-rules-out-palestinian-state-2025-09-11/
https://www.prio.org/news/3616
https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/09/1165809
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2025/oct/12/the-guardian-view-on-gen-z-protests-these-movements-share-more-than-an-interest-in-anime
https://www.epi.org/blog/trump-is-the-biggest-union-buster-in-u-s-history-more-than-1-million-federal-workers-collective-bargaining-rights-are-at-risk/
https://news.gallup.com/poll/694835/image-capitalism-slips.aspx
https://truthout.org/articles/the-lure-of-elections-from-political-power-to-popular-power/
See the following tweet for DSA convention voting tallies on resolution
to affirm DSA's commitment to anti-zionism:
https://x.com/GoodVibePolitik/status/1954581357302042942?s=20
https://www.hawley.senate.gov/hawley-launches-investigation-into-organizations-bankrolling-la-riots/
https://www.politico.com/news/2025/09/15/vance-white-house-promise-to-crack-down-on-radical-left-lunatics-00564766
https://www.democracydocket.com/news-alerts/doj-terrorism-charges-trump-antifa-executive-order/;
https://www.kenklippenstein.com/p/leak-fbi-list-of-extremists-is-coming
https://www.blackrosefed.org/conjunctural-analysis-2025-2026/
_________________________________________
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