|
A - I n f o s
|
|
a multi-lingual news service by, for, and about anarchists
**
News in all languages
Last 40 posts (Homepage)
Last two
weeks' posts
Our
archives of old posts
The last 100 posts, according
to language
Greek_
中文 Chinese_
Castellano_
Catalan_
Deutsch_
Nederlands_
English_
Français_
Italiano_
Polski_
Português_
Russkyi_
Suomi_
Svenska_
Türkçe_
_The.Supplement
The First Few Lines of The Last 10 posts in:
Castellano_
Deutsch_
Nederlands_
English_
Français_
Italiano_
Polski_
Português_
Russkyi_
Suomi_
Svenska_
Türkçe_
First few lines of all posts of last 24 hours |
of past 30 days |
of 2002 |
of 2003 |
of 2004 |
of 2005 |
of 2006 |
of 2007 |
of 2008 |
of 2009 |
of 2010 |
of 2011 |
of 2012 |
of 2013 |
of 2014 |
of 2015 |
of 2016 |
of 2017 |
of 2018 |
of 2019 |
of 2020 |
of 2021 |
of 2022 |
of 2023 |
of 2024 |
of 2025 |
of 2026
Syndication Of A-Infos - including
RDF - How to Syndicate A-Infos
Subscribe to the a-infos newsgroups
(en) Bulgaria, FA: The lesser evil (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
Date
Mon, 19 Jan 2026 07:18:20 +0200
We translated this article by author Dominique Misein, and its message
can be applied to the recent mass protests. ---- A few years ago, during
an election, a prominent Italian journalist urged his readers to refrain
from criticism and to do their civic duty by voting for the party that
was in power at the time. The journalist was fully aware that to the
people, this party reeked of decades of institutional rot - abuse of
power, corruption, dirty deals - but the only political alternative on
the market - the left - seemed even more sinister. There was no choice
but to take off one's blinders and vote for the rulers who were already
in power.
At the time, although it was the subject of much debate, this invitation
had some success and in a sense it could be said to have won. This is
not surprising. In essence, the journalist's argument was based on one
of the most easily testable social reflexes - the politics of the lesser
evil, which guides the daily choices of the majority of people. When we
are faced with life's problems, common sense is always quick to remind
us that between two equally abhorrent alternatives, the best we can do
is choose the one that seems to us less likely to lead to unpleasant
consequences.
How can we deny that our whole life has been reduced to a long and
exhausting search for the lesser evil? How can we deny that the concept
of choosing the good - understood not in an absolute sense, but simply
as that which is valued as such - is usually rejected a priori? All our
experience and that of past generations teaches us that the art of
living is the most difficult and that the most ardent dreams can only
have a tragic end: they go away with the alarm clock, with the final
credits of a film, with the last page of a book. "It has always been
like this," they tell us with a sigh, and from this we conclude that it
will always be like this.
It is clear that all this does not prevent us from understanding how
harmful everything we encounter is. But we know how to choose evil. What
we lack - and we lack it because it has been taken from us - is not the
ability to judge the world around us, the horror of which is imposed
with the immediacy of a punch in the face, but the ability to go beyond
the given possibilities - or even to simply try to do so. Thus,
accepting the eternal excuse that a person risks losing everything if he
is not satisfied with what he already has, he ends his life under the
banner of renunciation. Our own daily life, with its indiscretions,
offers us numerous examples of this. Honestly, how many of us can boast
of enjoying life, of being content with it? And how many can say that
they are satisfied with their work, with those hours without purpose,
without pleasure and without end? Yet, faced with the specter of
unemployment, we quickly accept paid misery to avoid unpaid misery. How
can we explain the tendency of so many people to prolong their years of
education as long as possible - a characteristic that is quite
widespread - if not by the refusal to enter the adult world, in which
the end of an already precarious freedom is seen? And what can we say
then about love, about that spasmodic search for someone to love and to
be loved by, which usually ends up as its own parody, since, just to
dispel the specter of loneliness, we prefer to prolong emotional ties
that are already exhausted? Scarce in wonder and fascination, our days
on earth are capable of giving us only the boredom of serial repetition.
So, despite the numerous attempts to hide or minimize the harm caused by
the current social system, we see it all. We know everything about life
in a world that harms us. But to make it bearable, that is, acceptable,
it is enough to objectify it, to give it a historical justification, to
endow it with an inexorable logic to which our accountant's mind can
only capitulate. To make the lack of life and its undignified trade in
survival more bearable - the boredom of years spent in duties, the
forced renunciation of love and passion, the premature aging of the
senses, the extortion of work, the devastation of the environment and
various forms of self-degradation - what better than to contrast this
situation with others, more painful and oppressive; what more effective
than to compare it with the worst?
Of course, it would be a mistake to think that the logic of the lesser
evil is limited only to the regulation of our household chores. Above
all, it regulates and governs all of public life, as this journalist
well knew. In fact, every society known to humanity is considered
imperfect. Regardless of their ideas, everyone has dreamed of living in
a world different from the present one: a more representative democracy,
an economy freer from state intervention, a "federalist" rather than
centralized government, a nation without foreigners, and so on, even to
the most extreme aspirations.
But the desire to realize your dreams drives you to action, because only
action can change the world, turning it into something like a dream.
Action sounds in the ears like the trumpets of Jericho. There is no
stronger imperative than this, and for anyone who hears it, the need to
proceed to action is imposed immediately and unconditionally. But anyone
who calls for action in order to realize the aspirations that animate
him quickly receives strange and unexpected answers. The recruit quickly
learns that effective action is that which is limited to the realization
of limited, gloomy and sad dreams. Not only are great utopias clearly
unattainable, but even much more modest goals turn out to be barely
realizable. Thus, anyone who has thought of transforming the world
according to his dream finds himself unable to do anything other than
transform the dream, adapting it to the more immediate reality of this
world. In order to act productively, a person finds himself forced to
suppress his dream. Thus the first renunciation that productive action
demands of anyone who wants to act is to reduce his dream to the
proportions recommended by the existing. In this way one comes to
understand, in a few words, that our age is an age of compromise, of
half-measures, of turning a blind eye. That's right, of the lesser evil.
If one thinks carefully, it makes sense that the concept of reformism, a
cause to which everyone is now committed, is the consummate expression
of the politics of the lesser evil: a cautious action, subject to the
watchful eye of moderation, which never loses sight of the signs of
acceptability, and which is carried out with a caution worthy of the
most perfect diplomacy. The concern to avoid upheavals is such that when
some unfavorable circumstances make them inevitable, one is quick to
legitimize them by showing how a greater evil was averted. Didn't we
experience a war last summer that was justified as the lesser evil
compared to brutal "ethnic cleansing," just as fifty years ago the use
of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was justified as the lesser
evil compared to the continuation of a world war? And this despite the
claims of every government on the planet that they reject the use of
force to resolve conflicts.
And indeed. Even the ruling class recognizes the basis of the criticisms
made of the present social order, for which it is in fact responsible.
Sometimes one can even find a few of its spokesmen on the front line who
officially condemn the discrimination of market laws, the
totalitarianism of "single-mindedness," the abuses of liberalism. Even
for this reality, all this is evil. But it is an unavoidable evil, and
the most that can be done is to try to reduce its effects.
The evil from which we cannot free ourselves - as should be clear - is a
social order based on profit, money, commodities, the reduction of man
to an object, power, and which has in the person of the state an
indispensable instrument of coercion. Only after having placed the
existence of capitalism with all its consequences beyond all doubt can
political attacks ask themselves which capitalist form constitutes the
lesser evil to support. Today, preference is given to democracy, which
presents itself - not by chance - as "the least evil of known political
systems". Compared to fascism and Stalinism, it easily receives the
support of Western common sense, all the more so since the democratic
lie is based on the (illusory) participation of its subjects in the
management of public affairs, which thus appears perfect. In this way,
people easily convince themselves that "fairer" government activity,
"better distribution of wealth," or rather, "more rational use of
resources" are the only options they have to deal with the problems of
modern civilization.
But in accepting this, we miss a fundamental detail. We miss the meaning
of what actually unites the various alternatives proposed: the existence
of money, of commodity exchange, of classes, of power. Here we can say
that we forget that choosing an evil - even if it is a lesser evil - is
the best way to prolong it. To use the examples above again - a "more
just" state decides to bomb an entire country in order to convince a
"more evil" state to stop ethnic cleansing within its own borders. There
is no point in denying that the difference exists, but we perceive it
only in the disgust that in this situation inspires a state logic
capable of playing with the lives of thousands of people who are being
killed and bombed. In the same way, a "better distribution of wealth"
tries to avoid the concentration of the fruits of the labor of the
ordinary majority in the hands of the ordinary minority. But what does
this mean? In short, the knife with which the masters of the earth cut
the pie of world wealth would change, and perhaps they would add another
seat at the table of the merry guests. The rest of humanity would have
to continue to be content with crumbs. Finally, who would dare to deny
that the exploitation of the rest of humanity would have to continue to
be content with crumbs. Finally, who would dare to deny that the
exploitation of nature has caused countless ecological catastrophes. But
we do not need to be experts on the subject to understand that making
this exploitation "more sensible" will not serve to prevent further
catastrophes, but only to make them "more sensible". But is there such a
thing as a "reasonable" ecological catastrophe? And in what parameters
can it be measured?
A small war is better than a big war; being a billionaire is better than
being a millionaire; limited catastrophes are better than prolonged
catastrophes. How can we not see that along this path the social,
political and economic conditions that make possible the outbreak of
war, the accumulation of privileges and the continued occurrence of
catastrophes will continue to perpetuate themselves? How can we not see
that such a policy offers no even minimal practical benefit, that when
the bucket is full to the brim, a single drop is enough to fill it? From
the moment we give up questioning capitalism as a whole, common to all
varieties of political regulation, and instead give preference to the
simple comparison between different techniques of exploitation, the
continuation of "evil" is guaranteed... Instead of asking ourselves
whether we want to have a master to obey, we prefer to choose the master
who beats us the least. In this way, every outburst, every agitation,
every desire for freedom is reduced to a more gentle solution; instead
of attacking the evils that poison us, we blame them on the excesses of
the system. In this context, the more sharply these excesses are
condemned, the more the social system that produces them is
strengthened. The plague once again approaches this ideological
disguise, leaving no way out. And while the question to be solved is how
to manage domination, instead of considering the possibility of getting
rid of it and figuring out how to do it, the logic of those who govern
and guide us will continue to dictate the measures to be taken in
relation to everything.
After the damage has been done, there cannot be any lack of mockery.
With each tightening of the screw, we are assured that the result
obtained cannot be worse than the previous one, that the policy pursued
- always aimed at progress - will block the path of a more conservative
policy, that after having suffered so many difficulties in silence, we
are finally on the right track. From lesser evil to lesser evil, the
countless reformists who have taken over this society push us from war
to war, from catastrophe to catastrophe, from victim to victim. And
because one accepts this humiliating logic of petty accounting and
submission to the state, making calculations to weigh evil and other
evil, the day may come when one will put one's own life on the scales:
it is better to die immediately than to continue writhing on this earth.
Surely this thought is the one that puts the weapon in the hand of the
suicide bomber. Because a person holds their nose while voting in favor
of the government, and eventually stops breathing.
As we have seen, remaining in the context of the lesser evil does not
pose any particular difficulties; the difficulty begins the moment one
leaves that context, the moment one destroys it. It is enough to state
that between two evils the worst that can be done is to choose one of
them, and lo and behold: the police knock on the door. When one is the
enemy of every party, every war, every capitalist, every exploitation of
nature, one can only appear suspicious in the eyes of the authorities.
In fact, this is where subversion begins. The rejection of the politics
of the lesser evil, the rejection of this socially imposed habit that
makes one preserve one's existence instead of living it, inevitably
leads to one putting at stake everything that the real world and its
"necessity" deprive of meaning. Not that utopia is immune to the logic
of the lesser evil - that is not guaranteed. During revolutionary
periods, it is precisely this logic that has stopped the attacks of the
rebels: when the storm rages and the waves threaten to sweep everything
away, there is always some more realistic revolutionary who rushes to
divert the popular anger towards more "reasonable" demands. After all,
even a person who wants to turn the world upside down is afraid of
losing everything. Even when none of it actually belongs to him.
https://www.anarchy.bg/
_________________________________________
A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
By, For, and About Anarchists
Send news reports to A-infos-en mailing list
A-infos-en@ainfos.ca
Subscribe/Unsubscribe https://ainfos.ca/mailman/listinfo/a-infos-en
Archive: http://ainfos.ca/en
- Prev by Date:
(en) France, UCL AL #366 - Politics - Strasbourg: Raising Anti-Disability Criticism of "Assisted Dying" (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
- Next by Date:
(en) Italy, UCADI #203 - December 2025 (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]
A-Infos Information Center