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(en) Bulgaria, FA: The lesser evil (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Mon, 19 Jan 2026 07:18:20 +0200


We translated this article by author Dominique Misein, and its message can be applied to the recent mass protests. ---- A few years ago, during an election, a prominent Italian journalist urged his readers to refrain from criticism and to do their civic duty by voting for the party that was in power at the time. The journalist was fully aware that to the people, this party reeked of decades of institutional rot - abuse of power, corruption, dirty deals - but the only political alternative on the market - the left - seemed even more sinister. There was no choice but to take off one's blinders and vote for the rulers who were already in power.

At the time, although it was the subject of much debate, this invitation had some success and in a sense it could be said to have won. This is not surprising. In essence, the journalist's argument was based on one of the most easily testable social reflexes - the politics of the lesser evil, which guides the daily choices of the majority of people. When we are faced with life's problems, common sense is always quick to remind us that between two equally abhorrent alternatives, the best we can do is choose the one that seems to us less likely to lead to unpleasant consequences.

How can we deny that our whole life has been reduced to a long and exhausting search for the lesser evil? How can we deny that the concept of choosing the good - understood not in an absolute sense, but simply as that which is valued as such - is usually rejected a priori? All our experience and that of past generations teaches us that the art of living is the most difficult and that the most ardent dreams can only have a tragic end: they go away with the alarm clock, with the final credits of a film, with the last page of a book. "It has always been like this," they tell us with a sigh, and from this we conclude that it will always be like this.

It is clear that all this does not prevent us from understanding how harmful everything we encounter is. But we know how to choose evil. What we lack - and we lack it because it has been taken from us - is not the ability to judge the world around us, the horror of which is imposed with the immediacy of a punch in the face, but the ability to go beyond the given possibilities - or even to simply try to do so. Thus, accepting the eternal excuse that a person risks losing everything if he is not satisfied with what he already has, he ends his life under the banner of renunciation. Our own daily life, with its indiscretions, offers us numerous examples of this. Honestly, how many of us can boast of enjoying life, of being content with it? And how many can say that they are satisfied with their work, with those hours without purpose, without pleasure and without end? Yet, faced with the specter of unemployment, we quickly accept paid misery to avoid unpaid misery. How can we explain the tendency of so many people to prolong their years of education as long as possible - a characteristic that is quite widespread - if not by the refusal to enter the adult world, in which the end of an already precarious freedom is seen? And what can we say then about love, about that spasmodic search for someone to love and to be loved by, which usually ends up as its own parody, since, just to dispel the specter of loneliness, we prefer to prolong emotional ties that are already exhausted? Scarce in wonder and fascination, our days on earth are capable of giving us only the boredom of serial repetition.

So, despite the numerous attempts to hide or minimize the harm caused by the current social system, we see it all. We know everything about life in a world that harms us. But to make it bearable, that is, acceptable, it is enough to objectify it, to give it a historical justification, to endow it with an inexorable logic to which our accountant's mind can only capitulate. To make the lack of life and its undignified trade in survival more bearable - the boredom of years spent in duties, the forced renunciation of love and passion, the premature aging of the senses, the extortion of work, the devastation of the environment and various forms of self-degradation - what better than to contrast this situation with others, more painful and oppressive; what more effective than to compare it with the worst?

Of course, it would be a mistake to think that the logic of the lesser evil is limited only to the regulation of our household chores. Above all, it regulates and governs all of public life, as this journalist well knew. In fact, every society known to humanity is considered imperfect. Regardless of their ideas, everyone has dreamed of living in a world different from the present one: a more representative democracy, an economy freer from state intervention, a "federalist" rather than centralized government, a nation without foreigners, and so on, even to the most extreme aspirations.

But the desire to realize your dreams drives you to action, because only action can change the world, turning it into something like a dream. Action sounds in the ears like the trumpets of Jericho. There is no stronger imperative than this, and for anyone who hears it, the need to proceed to action is imposed immediately and unconditionally. But anyone who calls for action in order to realize the aspirations that animate him quickly receives strange and unexpected answers. The recruit quickly learns that effective action is that which is limited to the realization of limited, gloomy and sad dreams. Not only are great utopias clearly unattainable, but even much more modest goals turn out to be barely realizable. Thus, anyone who has thought of transforming the world according to his dream finds himself unable to do anything other than transform the dream, adapting it to the more immediate reality of this world. In order to act productively, a person finds himself forced to suppress his dream. Thus the first renunciation that productive action demands of anyone who wants to act is to reduce his dream to the proportions recommended by the existing. In this way one comes to understand, in a few words, that our age is an age of compromise, of half-measures, of turning a blind eye. That's right, of the lesser evil.

If one thinks carefully, it makes sense that the concept of reformism, a cause to which everyone is now committed, is the consummate expression of the politics of the lesser evil: a cautious action, subject to the watchful eye of moderation, which never loses sight of the signs of acceptability, and which is carried out with a caution worthy of the most perfect diplomacy. The concern to avoid upheavals is such that when some unfavorable circumstances make them inevitable, one is quick to legitimize them by showing how a greater evil was averted. Didn't we experience a war last summer that was justified as the lesser evil compared to brutal "ethnic cleansing," just as fifty years ago the use of atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was justified as the lesser evil compared to the continuation of a world war? And this despite the claims of every government on the planet that they reject the use of force to resolve conflicts.

And indeed. Even the ruling class recognizes the basis of the criticisms made of the present social order, for which it is in fact responsible. Sometimes one can even find a few of its spokesmen on the front line who officially condemn the discrimination of market laws, the totalitarianism of "single-mindedness," the abuses of liberalism. Even for this reality, all this is evil. But it is an unavoidable evil, and the most that can be done is to try to reduce its effects.

The evil from which we cannot free ourselves - as should be clear - is a social order based on profit, money, commodities, the reduction of man to an object, power, and which has in the person of the state an indispensable instrument of coercion. Only after having placed the existence of capitalism with all its consequences beyond all doubt can political attacks ask themselves which capitalist form constitutes the lesser evil to support. Today, preference is given to democracy, which presents itself - not by chance - as "the least evil of known political systems". Compared to fascism and Stalinism, it easily receives the support of Western common sense, all the more so since the democratic lie is based on the (illusory) participation of its subjects in the management of public affairs, which thus appears perfect. In this way, people easily convince themselves that "fairer" government activity, "better distribution of wealth," or rather, "more rational use of resources" are the only options they have to deal with the problems of modern civilization.

But in accepting this, we miss a fundamental detail. We miss the meaning of what actually unites the various alternatives proposed: the existence of money, of commodity exchange, of classes, of power. Here we can say that we forget that choosing an evil - even if it is a lesser evil - is the best way to prolong it. To use the examples above again - a "more just" state decides to bomb an entire country in order to convince a "more evil" state to stop ethnic cleansing within its own borders. There is no point in denying that the difference exists, but we perceive it only in the disgust that in this situation inspires a state logic capable of playing with the lives of thousands of people who are being killed and bombed. In the same way, a "better distribution of wealth" tries to avoid the concentration of the fruits of the labor of the ordinary majority in the hands of the ordinary minority. But what does this mean? In short, the knife with which the masters of the earth cut the pie of world wealth would change, and perhaps they would add another seat at the table of the merry guests. The rest of humanity would have to continue to be content with crumbs. Finally, who would dare to deny that the exploitation of the rest of humanity would have to continue to be content with crumbs. Finally, who would dare to deny that the exploitation of nature has caused countless ecological catastrophes. But we do not need to be experts on the subject to understand that making this exploitation "more sensible" will not serve to prevent further catastrophes, but only to make them "more sensible". But is there such a thing as a "reasonable" ecological catastrophe? And in what parameters can it be measured?

A small war is better than a big war; being a billionaire is better than being a millionaire; limited catastrophes are better than prolonged catastrophes. How can we not see that along this path the social, political and economic conditions that make possible the outbreak of war, the accumulation of privileges and the continued occurrence of catastrophes will continue to perpetuate themselves? How can we not see that such a policy offers no even minimal practical benefit, that when the bucket is full to the brim, a single drop is enough to fill it? From the moment we give up questioning capitalism as a whole, common to all varieties of political regulation, and instead give preference to the simple comparison between different techniques of exploitation, the continuation of "evil" is guaranteed... Instead of asking ourselves whether we want to have a master to obey, we prefer to choose the master who beats us the least. In this way, every outburst, every agitation, every desire for freedom is reduced to a more gentle solution; instead of attacking the evils that poison us, we blame them on the excesses of the system. In this context, the more sharply these excesses are condemned, the more the social system that produces them is strengthened. The plague once again approaches this ideological disguise, leaving no way out. And while the question to be solved is how to manage domination, instead of considering the possibility of getting rid of it and figuring out how to do it, the logic of those who govern and guide us will continue to dictate the measures to be taken in relation to everything.

After the damage has been done, there cannot be any lack of mockery. With each tightening of the screw, we are assured that the result obtained cannot be worse than the previous one, that the policy pursued - always aimed at progress - will block the path of a more conservative policy, that after having suffered so many difficulties in silence, we are finally on the right track. From lesser evil to lesser evil, the countless reformists who have taken over this society push us from war to war, from catastrophe to catastrophe, from victim to victim. And because one accepts this humiliating logic of petty accounting and submission to the state, making calculations to weigh evil and other evil, the day may come when one will put one's own life on the scales: it is better to die immediately than to continue writhing on this earth. Surely this thought is the one that puts the weapon in the hand of the suicide bomber. Because a person holds their nose while voting in favor of the government, and eventually stops breathing.

As we have seen, remaining in the context of the lesser evil does not pose any particular difficulties; the difficulty begins the moment one leaves that context, the moment one destroys it. It is enough to state that between two evils the worst that can be done is to choose one of them, and lo and behold: the police knock on the door. When one is the enemy of every party, every war, every capitalist, every exploitation of nature, one can only appear suspicious in the eyes of the authorities. In fact, this is where subversion begins. The rejection of the politics of the lesser evil, the rejection of this socially imposed habit that makes one preserve one's existence instead of living it, inevitably leads to one putting at stake everything that the real world and its "necessity" deprive of meaning. Not that utopia is immune to the logic of the lesser evil - that is not guaranteed. During revolutionary periods, it is precisely this logic that has stopped the attacks of the rebels: when the storm rages and the waves threaten to sweep everything away, there is always some more realistic revolutionary who rushes to divert the popular anger towards more "reasonable" demands. After all, even a person who wants to turn the world upside down is afraid of losing everything. Even when none of it actually belongs to him.

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