A-Infos (en) France, OCL CA #352 - 1525, "The Peasants' War" (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

It may be interesting to look back to distant events. Five centuries 
later, what remains of the Peasants' War, the culmination of a series of 
revolts that affected a large part of the Holy Roman Empire, its 
German-speaking majority, but also its Latin (a few pockets at the foot 
of the Vosges Mountains or in the territory of present-day Belfort) or 
Slavic (Czech Republic, then-Bohemia) fringes? Is it possible to 
characterize this event as pre-revolutionary, or even revolutionary? 
Here, we will focus in particular on the upheavals of 1525 in Alsace, 
where commemorations are multiplying, thanks to local initiatives.

After the geographical area, it is important to define the temporality. 
The uprisings began in 1493 and continued intermittently until the 
explosion of 1525.
This period was marked by three well-known phenomena, but they are worth 
recalling here:

the invention of the printing press, which enabled the rapid 
dissemination of ideas, particularly through pamphlets (and this would 
prove important);
the beginnings of the Protestant Reformation (essential, in a 
traditional society marked by intense religiosity, and whose principles 
would be disseminated by printing);
a form of proto-capitalism, visible, once again, in the financial 
concentration among the great printing families, in the context of the 
exploitation of the silver mines of the Vosges, two activities requiring 
complex and expensive equipment.
A Dissatisfied Society
The end of the 15th century was characterized by a series of poor 
harvests, affecting wine production, among other things, without, 
however, causing famine. This was enough, however, to weaken the peasant 
economy. Other factors were added, fueling simmering discontent. These 
included a steady and continuous increase in seigneurial taxes, which 
led to widespread discontent, particularly with restrictions on hunting 
and fishing rights, the exploitation of pastures and woodlands, corvée 
labor, and inheritance taxes, which were perceived as unfair.

The rural masses also suffered from the actions of ecclesiastical 
courts, which were increasingly criticized due to the confusion between 
the secular and the spiritual. Their ability to order confiscations of 
property represented a veritable act of judicial violence. Generally 
speaking, seigneurial and ecclesiastical authorities, particularly 
regular ones, were increasingly displeased.

Tensions materialized as early as 1493, when the Bunschuh (Bunschuh) 
became popular. This term refers to the lace-up shoe (Schuh) (Bund), as 
opposed to the lordly boots, or the "bear paw" shoes of the infantrymen. 
We are beginning to sense a conscious and assertive class opposition. In 
itself, the term was not new. Bund can designate an alliance, and since 
the mid-15th century, it had become synonymous with a conspiracy with 
revolutionary aims, intended to overthrow the order in order to 
establish an egalitarian society.

When the Bundschuh banner flies
The Bundschuh of 1493 appeared in Alsace, on May 23, in the form of what 
would be called "The Ungersberg Conspiracy," in fact a secret meeting of 
about thirty people on a mountain in the Vosges mountains of central 
Alsace. Let's not imagine a popular meeting in the strict sense. The 
conspirators were, for the most part, local notables, bourgeois (at the 
time, it referred to the citizens of towns, "bourgs"). Among them were a 
former mayor of Sélestat, Hans Ulmann, and the provost (local official) 
of Blienschwiller, Jacob Hanser.

The conspirators took an oath (not far from the Swiss model) and 
established a program that could be described as revolutionary, in the 
sense that it envisioned a genuine social upheaval. The conspirators 
considered the use of force to achieve their goal. The oath, moreover, 
marked a break, since it constituted a betrayal of their lord.

Three main demands stood out: the abolition of the imperial judicial 
court of Rottweil and the ecclesiastical court, which were too distant 
and where trials were bogged down, to the detriment of the working 
classes. A third measure bore the hallmarks of the most traditional 
Christian anti-Semitism, since it called for the banishment of Jewish 
usurers from the countryside. This last measure should not be taken 
lightly. This is even a crucial point, directed against a class of poor 
usurers. When the conflagration erupts, the anti-Semitic dimension often 
goes no further than material damage, but results in heartbreaking 
exiles, looting, destruction, and confiscations.

The conspiracy will be short-lived. Discovered a few days later, it 
resulted in a few executions, fines, and possibly the mutilation of 
fingers taken by those who had taken the oath. Overall, it cannot be 
called a massive crackdown. That would come later. Emperor Maximilian 
granted a collective pardon, and everything returned to normal. Or so it 
seemed.

But dissatisfaction persisted, and as early as April 1502, a second 
Bundschuh broke out in Bruchsal, on the right bank. This time, the 
movement was more massive, with a more elaborate program and a truly 
military organization. This would, moreover, be a recurring feature of 
subsequent uprisings. The peasants, involved in local defense groups, 
were encouraged to engage in shooting competitions, possessed halberds 
or pikes, and sometimes individual defense weapons. If we add to this 
the training in the use of artillery to defend fortifications, and the 
experience of real combat by certain militiamen or former Landsknecht 
mercenaries, who would form the leadership of later insurrections, we 
understand that, far from being simply unorganized masses, the 
rebellious peasants were far from being mere extras.

Joss Fritz Keeps the Flame Burning
The leader of the second wave was Joss Fritz. Described by one historian 
as a "professional revolutionary," he and his lieutenants defined a more 
elaborate program than that of 1493. Underpinned by the inevitable 
theological reflection of the pre-Reformation era, he demanded free 
loans to combat indebtedness, the redistribution of wealth, and the 
suppression of useless religious houses.

Counterinsurrectional measures were taken in Sélestat by representatives 
of the towns and lords. The repression was harsher, but not massive. The 
elusive Joss Fritz resurfaced in 1513 during a conspiracy near Freiburg 
(Germany). It was another failure. The tireless revolutionary traveler 
tried his luck in 1517, this time on both banks. Another failure. He 
then disappeared from history, with little known record of his whereabouts.

A complex society
The situation remained volatile. Luther would ignite the powder keg with 
the publication of his "Ninety-five Theses" in 1517, followed by "The 
Appeal to the Christian Nobility of the German Nation," published in 
1520. Their dissemination was extremely rapid. The printing press 
provided the medium, but it should be noted that the world at that time 
was not a closed world. Information circulates rather quickly and well, 
due to postal relays and the constant movement of travelers (because 
people move around a lot, if only for seasonal work or occasional 
mercenary work. Migration flows are significant and the intermingling of 
populations constant), all of which is disseminated through traditional 
social gatherings such as inns and parish assemblies. A 
difficult-to-quantify, but not insignificant, portion possesses at least 
the rudiments of literacy, for those fortunate enough to attend lessons 
given by village clerks.

The peasant masses are not devoid of political culture. Indeed, village 
assemblies, whose members take oaths, have decision-making powers 
regarding local issues (maintenance of fountains, roads, supplies, 
various regulations), and act as an interface with the lords. It should 
be noted that relations with secular lords are not necessarily 
conflictual. This lack of passivity allowed the peasantry to become 
increasingly aware of its strength. It knew how to make itself heard. It 
rejected blind obedience.
It should be added that those included under the term "peasants" 
actually included artisans and local notables, who also took part in the 
revolts.
Like Luther and his followers, the peasants rejected the ecclesiastical 
hierarchy and its privileges. Their attitude toward the aristocracy 
hardly seemed so different: a general rejection of hierarchy among men 
(we'll come back to that for women), recognition of the sole authority 
of the emperor. One God and one master, in short. This was already a 
good start.

The Explosion, the 12 Articles
The main insurrection erupted again in the summer of 1524. The knights 
of the "Swabian League" began its repression. In Memmingen, Sébastien 
Lotzer drafted a program that would be called "the 12 articles," which 
would be adopted by the Swabian bands in March and widely distributed in 
the aftermath. It was essentially about combating seigniorial abuses, in 
the name of a form of egalitarianism, as an extract from one of the 
Alsatian versions illustrates well: "[that]they will no longer have any 
other prince or lord than the one who pleases them." These "12 
articles," discussed, amended, and supplemented as needed by "fraternal 
assemblies," contrast with, for example, the theocratic programs 
invoking divine wrath of the famous millenarian preacher Thomas Münzer.

It is important to summarize these 12 articles:

1: Autonomy of parishes in the choice of a pastor.
2: Regulation of the use of tithes for the common good.
3: Abolition of serfdom.
4 and 5: Freedom of hunting and fishing, and of forestry.
6, 7, and 8: Denunciation of abuses in corvées, charges, and royalties.
9: Criticism of the authorities' new regulations and the 
disproportionate punishments.
10: Denunciation of the monopolization and privatization of common lands.
11: Demand for the abolition of inheritance taxes. The twelfth is a 
conclusion in the form of a religious declaration.
All of this goes far beyond a peasant revolt. The desire for the radical 
and definitive overthrow of a society perceived as iniquitous, 
underpinned by long-term political thinking, thoughtful and organized 
action, and a targeted "economy of violence," made this set of movements 
the most "revolutionary" to date in Western Europe.

Alsace Follows
The uprising reached Alsace beginning on April 16, 1525. Within a few 
weeks, most religious houses were devastated, deprived of their wealth 
and symbolic significance, and the destruction of IOUs, without 
significant human casualties. The spread of the popular movement was so 
rapid and sudden that it seems difficult to explain other than by 
planning. More than ten main bands formed, each with several thousand 
potential fighters. From May 4 to 11, a sort of "States General" of the 
Alsatian insurgents was held in Molsheim. Erasmus Gerber was appointed 
leader of the movement. He was hanged shortly afterward.

The peasant bands organized themselves, forming councils, developing a 
system of chancelleries and the beginnings of administrations, attesting 
to the participation, if not of intellectuals, at least of scholars, 
former students, or civil servants.
The urban authorities, timid, decided to play it safe, despite the 
common people's sympathy for the rural revolution.

The Crushing
Worried about possible contagion, the Duke of Lorraine decided on an 
expedition against the "Lutherans." On May 16, 17, and 20, his troops 
crushed the insurgents at Lupstein, Saverne, and Scherwiller. This 
marked the end of the Alsatian movement, which survived only in pockets. 
The Empire descended into repression. The unrest ended on November 13th, 
with the submission of the last bands. The victims numbered in the tens 
of thousands. Alsace counted at least 20,000, which certainly 
represented nearly a quarter to a third of the total figure, estimated 
at a minimum of 75,000.
At this point, an entire geographical area, stretching from the Vosges 
to the Austrian Alps, was ravaged. The repression was less brutal than 
one might expect, with around 900 executions throughout Alsace. There 
was hesitation about beheading, literally and figuratively, a very 
useful peasant class.

A Buried Memory
The intellectual reaction would finally put an end to the memory of the 
Bundschuh. Unanimously, humanists like Beatus Rhenanus and other 
lesser-known figures set about nailing the coffin of a movement for 
which they had never felt either sympathy or understanding. 
Condemnations rained down, and with them the murderous phrases ("they 
deserve to be deported far away, to desert islands..."). The final blow 
came from Luther himself. His works left no room for doubt. According to 
him, the peasants should not take justice into their own hands, but 
should entrust themselves to God, and while he called for mercy for 
those who surrendered, he provided moral support for a repression whose 
intensity we have seen.
"When Adam sewed and Eve spun, where was the gentleman?" The egalitarian 
dream was over.

The peasants certainly hadn't read Luther the right way. As for the 
memory, it would quickly fade. A few decades later, it was already no 
longer a topic of discussion. It would take more than four centuries for 
it to emerge from this oblivion and, beyond past and contemporary Nazi 
reappropriations, for it to regain its meaning.

Vincent Winling

http://oclibertaire.lautre.net/spip.php?article4497
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