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(en) Bulgaria, FAB: Lev, Euro or Something Else (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

Date Sat, 19 Jul 2025 08:58:32 +0300


Today, those in power are focusing all of society's attention on the following "choice," as if our participation in it were a matter of life and death: whether the state of Bulgaria should adopt the imperial European banknote as its currency, or whether it should remain with its original monetary unit. They point to the supposed benefits of both outcomes - that we would be "richer" or more "independent," more "integrated" or more "free." But the truth is that changing the color and appearance of the paper, the bearer of value, is only cosmetic - this action will not overthrow the economic and political realities of the situation we find ourselves in: a global capitalist mode of production, market relations, those of monetary trade, of hierarchy and wage slavery, a system of nation states ruled by the bourgeois class. As long as this state exists, we will forever be propertyless, enslaved, voiceless, and oppressed, because we do not participate directly in the governance of our society, and our rulers and superiors dictate our fate.

Moreover, this event is already predetermined and our share in it is illusory. Representative (bourgeois) democracy creates a lie for citizens as part of decision-making in the country, by organizing, for example, elections and referendums that replace a person or an element of the system in appearance, but never its essence, by instilling this perception through its propaganda tools, by creating political theaters and opening nationwide discussions on various similar issues, the significance of which is of no importance, but placed as the center of attention, they create an image that something important is happening and we are included in it. The only one that can benefit from the exchange of currency is the government - some politicians will strengthen and impose themselves, others will create a lasting opposition, breathing new forces into the political cycle of the system; some will serve the interests of one external player, receiving the corresponding reward, others - of another; we will integrate into one empire at the expense of another. ..

The question of "euro or lev", as was the case with Schengen, is so ridiculous and has so little impact on improving our lives that even state propaganda media reduce it to the overall ideology of the commentator (pro-European or anti-Western, with the currency being only a symbol of one or the other) or to various trivial details (with one, we and foreigners would not have to exchange money, and the lev was part of the sacred Bulgarian national aesthetic, with Schengen - we would not have to wait when we leave the country for vacation, which happens at most twice a year), and not to facts, because the latter are insignificant for us, they relate entirely to the mutual struggles of the ruling gangs. This is a way to divide society, to divert it from seeing the real situation in which it is involved, and to harness it to the service of bourgeois factions.

The really important question is another: what is the real meaning of money and markets in general, what is their function in capitalism, are they an ideal way of distributing goods in society or should we strive for something more perfect, more just. We, anarchist-communists, believe that money should be completely abolished, that goods and goods should be exchanged according to the principle of necessity, of non-monetary exchange in order to satisfy human needs. This will be done decentralized, through local logistical bodies, managed through a directly democratic council and working groups and serving a given neighborhood, a given commune, municipality, federation, a given workers' or production association. What is needed will be calculated in kind and will be delivered, as well as what is produced, if any. Society will provide everyone with its goods, and in return he will contribute as he can.

And while this may sound like a utopia to you, while you may think that when work is voluntary and not mandatory for making money and therefore for survival, no one will want to work, just imagine that the management of society really depended on you, that the improvement of your life was purely your own doing, that you had the opportunity to change what you considered harmful and introduce something new. In our current situation, inaction in public life can be explained by the fact that our role in it is insignificant, because there is a ruling class; but if things were different, if we were the creators of our own destiny, would we still stand aside, would we not want to make our existence easier and give our all to achieve this, would we not work for our own good?

In this regard, we present here an excerpt from the book by the Bulgarian anarcho-communist Georgi Hadzhiev, "Fundamentals of Powerlessness" (1958). There he well presents our ideas about replacing money with a communist distribution of wealth, criticizing the concept of the former and describing how the latter would function . The entire book is available here .

EXCHANGE AND DISTRIBUTION
The question of the organization and functioning of production, public offices and services, which we have briefly examined, cannot be considered concluded without considering the issues of remuneration for labor, of what today is called investment, capital investments, which determine the economic development of a country. This also raises the question of the use of money. And all this is related to exchange and distribution.

If it can be said without great exaggeration about production that the necessary apparatus has already been built up within the framework of today's society - the workers' trade unions and confederations, it cannot be said that we have such an organization fully developed today, which would encompass from the first day of the revolution the entire exchange and distribution of all public goods, in order to regularly satisfy the needs of all people. It can be said about the workers' trade union organizations that in many cases they even have the structure that will be needed for the constructive work of tomorrow - organization by production, by industries. The core of the social organization of exchange and distribution is the cooperative, which has reached a powerful development. But still, the leading role in exchange and distribution today falls to private commercial capital. Therefore, distribution will encounter much greater difficulties than social production. And this task is no less important than production. In a certain sense it is even more important, because the winning over of the wavering for social reconstruction and the strengthening of faith among the masses of the people depend mainly on the successful and just satisfaction of the immediate needs of the people . On the other hand, there is a huge mass of small traders whose interests will be affected by this reorganization of exchange and distribution, and their discontent poses a serious risk of influencing a wider circle of people and of dragging in the wavering elements. But the main difficulty will arise from the lack of sufficient experience in carrying out this important social function of those who will take on the responsibilities of the revolution.

And so, the organization on which the revolution will rely in the reorganization of exchange and distribution is the cooperative with its network of branches, shops, warehouses, technical and transport means and personnel. In and around the cooperative, the seizure of exchange and distribution from the hands of the merchants will be concentrated. With all goods, materials, means of transport, warehouses, depots, shops, etc., the revolution will undoubtedly seek to include all small merchants, to convince and win them over, in order to use their experience and include them as quickly as possible in the new public exchange and distribution organization. The overall success will depend to a large extent on winning at least the goodwill of the small merchants towards the change, so that they can understand their own common human interests even in the pre-revolutionary period. The Bolshevik experience in all countries ended in complete failure in this respect. The Spanish Revolution, due to the weak development of the cooperative movement - especially in the cities, and due to a syndicalist delusion that did not give the necessary importance to cooperation and included the exchange and distribution function in production and envisaged that this task would also fall to the workers' unions, showed many difficulties, mainly in the cities. In the villages, where collective farms were quickly created, this problem was very successfully solved. An entire region - Aragon, completely reorganized exchange and distribution, removing money from circulation. We refer to these facts only as examples, without considering that this is the place to enter into a detailed analysis of all these attempts.

But before we talk about the organization and functioning of exchange and distribution in a society that is in the process of complete restructuring, it is necessary, albeit very briefly, to consider the questions posed at the beginning about the remuneration of labor, investment, and money.

The truly communist formula is well known: "From each according to his ability and to each according to his needs." It is clear to us - and we do not want to deceive anyone - that the full realization of this principle cannot be achieved in two days and that for a long time it will remain an ideal that society will strive to realize progressively. One thing, however, is beyond doubt: the first part of this formula will be applied from the very first day, and as for the second part, it will be applied to all products that are in sufficient quantity and we will persistently move forward in this direction. Labor is both a right and a duty. In order for everyone to receive from society, he must place his strength at its disposal - he must put in his labor, if he is healthy and of an age that allows for labor activity.

In a society where money is the measure of value, the remuneration of labor is expressed in wages, in salaries. In the Spanish Revolution, money was generally preserved. In collectivized enterprises, workers received equal wages with a certain adjustment in the direction of implementing the principle: "according to needs", through the introduction of the so-called family wage - a practice that is today applied worldwide in the form of the so-called "family supplements". Each family worker received supplements for his wife (if she did not work) and for each child (regressively, i.e. for each subsequent child the supplement is smaller than for the previous one). In this way, large families moved towards equalization in satisfying their needs with singles, who received the same basic wage. Even where money was taken out of circulation and replaced with local municipal cards, the remuneration of labor was still calculated in family wages, against which these cards were given, and with them the workers received everything from the cooperative store (most products in unlimited quantities and only some on a rationing system).

Regarding the need for money in the future society, there is a certain division between the theorists of anarchism and among anarchists in general. Some believe that a certain monetary sign will always be necessary. They call themselves collectivists, mutualists and individualists, not communists. Others, although they consider themselves and are actually communists, such as Malatesta, for example, are of the opinion that money will have to be preserved for a certain time, without specifying until when, until what moment. The question is serious and not sufficiently studied, given that it has not been presented as extremely urgent and topical. And yet, the vast majority of theorists and supporters of anarchism have categorically spoken out in favor of the abolition of any monetary system in a society that will claim to be communist and will strive to become so. Of course, this abolition cannot be done in one day, but will require some time until the production and exchange-distribution organization of the new society, and above all the mass psychological attitude, is rebuilt. As for us, we are categorical. Some proceed from practical considerations, accepting, albeit temporarily, the use of money. We, taking advantage of the experience of the Bolsheviks, which is very rich and instructive in this regard, declare that, proceeding from practical considerations, and not only from motives of principle, we are resolute opponents of the preservation and use of monetary signs in any form. The question is huge and we will not consider it in detail here. We will only say that money has its own mechanism and no control can subordinate it to a will, however well-intentioned it may be. Money is a carrier of value. Their total value corresponds to the quantity of labor used in production (at least theoretically) and is expressed in the value of the entire mass of works, spiritual goods and services placed at the disposal of society. If some of these goods prove to be insufficient or the need for them increases, as is normal, the demand for them will upset the equilibrium established by previously fixed prices and wages. A new intervention is needed to establish a new equilibrium by a new fixing of prices and wages. All this presupposes a power, a dictatorship, which nevertheless remains helpless. The circulation of money also requires a Cerberus control, which will have no place in a free society.

And so, we are for the abolition of money, therefore, for a distribution of wealth in which the remuneration of labor itself disappears and what remains is the satisfaction of the needs of producers and workers on equal terms with those of the remaining unworkable population.

In this situation, one cannot speak of investment in the present sense of the term. Today, in bourgeois countries, private capitalists invest their capital, who do not miss the opportunity to exploit the taxpayer through the subsidies and credits they receive from the state. The latter also invests in some cases and in amounts that are increasingly increasing with the increase in state intervention in economic life. The sources of these investments are mainly taxes.

But every society develops. The means of production wear out and become obsolete. They must be renewed and modernized. The productive capacity of society is constantly growing and will continue to grow. This is normal and applies to every society, including the anarchist one.

Therefore, a part of the invested human labor will not produce goods subject to immediate consumption. This labor can be considered as investment. In this regard, there will be a new policy in the future society. It is no one's business, nor is it within their power to determine it now. Based on our experience and observations, we can only express the wish that some generations should not be burdened too much with burdens at the expense of a distant future, but that we should move forward moderately, because human life cannot pass only into sacrifices, but must be lived in order to give a desire and taste for work and creativity. From what we have just said, it is clear that we reject any need for taxes. Is this possible?

There can be no talk of exchange in the present sense of the word in a society that is building communism. It will be more a question of a constant movement and circulation of products and services from producer to consumer, a circulation of the fruits of mental and physical labor. In many cases it will be difficult to distinguish exactly between production and distribution. And this is the reason why some syndicalists include distribution and exchange in the duties of the unions in the process of social reconstruction. If the element of labor is taken as a classification mark, such a confusion is logical. Since labor is involved in both exchange and distribution, those engaged in this function can be considered as those in all service functions: communications, transport, etc. And therefore, there is no need to speak of a special and completely independent organization.

Today we will see that the exchange and distribution function is more than just a simple service and we have every serious reason to place it separately. In many cases, what is purely distribution will be included in production. We have already mentioned this. To a large extent, the supply of materials and machinery to enterprises will be carried out directly by the production organization itself. The same can be said for wholesale distribution. In other cases, what is by its nature a purely distribution function, such as public catering (restaurants), will be treated as production and included in the relevant branch of production (food production). So here we are talking about current mass consumption. Its organization is the subject and task of the exchange and distribution organization. The experience of today's consumer cooperatives should be used for the structure of this organization. The exchange and distribution organization covers the entire population by settlements (when they are small) and by neighborhoods (for larger settlements). For the entire larger settlement, this organization represents a local exchange and distribution union with many neighborhood stores (general and specialized) and warehouses. This local union is represented in the local general economic council. Then come the district, regional and national unions with corresponding representation in the district, regional and national general economic councils. This entire network of exchange and distribution organizations accepts the production of the various branches of production and distributes it, with the exception of those products that are supplied directly between the branches themselves, and when the enterprises themselves have supply points for the general consumption of the personnel working in these enterprises, supply that will be periodically reported statistically through the special organization of the exchange and distribution society.

Speaking of statistics once again, let us exhaust the question. We have said that elements of statistics will be present in every enterprise, even the most insignificant one. But it would be expedient and practical to establish statistics as a function and service within the exchange and distribution organization, where the needs will also be taken into account, so that they can be presented to the relevant general economic councils and from there to the national general economic council and the relevant branch unions, so that they can be taken into account in the planning of production. Only on a national scale would it be expedient to establish statistics in a special independent institute, where the most modern means and methods will be used to summarize and process statistical data for the entire country. Periodical publications in localities, districts, regions and on a national scale will make widely available the information that interests the entire society.

Consumption is a right of all people - the right to life. But for those who are able to work, this right is connected with the obligation to put in socially useful work. Every able-bodied citizen will have to find his place as a creator of goods in society; everyone, by virtue of this elementary obligation, is a member of a labor organization. Controlling the regular input of labor is not at all a difficult task. If the need arises, labor books will be introduced for all adult and able-bodied citizens.

The supply of citizens with current consumer goods will be done through neighborhood stores and through supply points at large enterprises and in many other ways that experience will best determine. Goods that are in sufficient quantity will be used without limit. In any case, in order to avoid waste and possible abuse, some method of accounting and control will be necessary. We can already give an example. Individual or family consumption cards can be introduced to control the use of certain goods by marking them accordingly. Some needs can be satisfied completely uncontrolled and unlimitedly, such as public transport, for example. For the supply of goods that are in limited quantities and are insufficient to fully satisfy the given needs, there is no other way than the rationing system, no matter how unfavorable our mood towards any rationing system may be, due to the bad memories of wars. Otherwise, distribution by means of prices will have to be accepted, which is also not associated with better memories of today's society for those who know the image of misery and poverty. This rationing system should naturally be and can be simplified so that it does not weigh so heavily on the people. This is a matter of technique, not of bureaucracy. The needs for rail transport, although they may initially require some restriction and control, can be almost completely satisfied without any restriction after not many years. But what is subject to complete and unlimited satisfaction is bread for all, care, education for children, and treatment of the sick.

We know that many, many delicate and difficult questions to resolve can be put to us in order to show us how serious this problem is. It is not necessary - we know it ourselves and have no illusions. But still, there is a solution to everything. And this solution can in no case be worse than the present system or the Bolshevik system of injustice and privilege. One big question that we do not want to pass over in silence is that of housing. The population is increasing due to natural increase and due to a decrease in mortality. This process will certainly continue in a free, authoritarian society, and it will hardly be necessary to make appeals for a reasonable limitation of the birth rate. Modern demographic science and the study of the psychology of families establish that the presence of 2 or 3 children in a family is the ideal norm for psychological and demographic equilibrium. At this rate, the renewal of generations occurs in an appropriate proportion to avoid the aging of the population as a whole, as well as the excessive burden of the inactive population (old, young, disabled and sick) on the mass of the active population. Cultural people have hit upon this optimum and it will surely quickly become the rule for all families. In parallel with the growth of the population, housing also ages, and for this reason it will be necessary to build not only for the needs of the growing part, but also to renew the outdated buildings. Therefore, it must be foreseen that the needs for housing will represent a serious concern for society. It must "invest" a certain part of its labor in housing construction. And this task must not be postponed. The most joyful impression that foreigners got from Barcelona during the years of revolution and war was that of the numerous construction projects, which did not stop their rapid rhythm. But in parallel with the construction of new buildings and even before it, a more equitable distribution of housing must be initiated. Today there is a housing crisis everywhere, but it would be greatly alleviated if workers' organizations or specially created neighborhood housing committees were tasked with visiting and counting the dwellings, in order to bring to light the empty and underoccupied premises and distribute them fairly among the needy. This task in the period of social restructuring falls to the neighborhood exchange and distribution organizations, which will send out from their midst the necessary housing committees.

It is obvious that in the area of distribution, anarchists have a clear, serious, and responsible constructive program.

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