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(en) cgt-lkn: Yolanda Díaz's labor encyclical (Opinion article by Rafael Cid) (ca, de, it, fr, pt)[machine translation]

Date Wed, 5 Jan 2022 10:47:39 +0200

<< I have spoken with the Holy Father about decent work >> (Second Vice President of the Government) ---- During the Great Recession of 2008, the hegemonic dynastic parties, PSOE and PP, carried out labor and pension reforms to fulfill the Stability Plan issued by Brussels. This apart from trepanning article 135 of the constitution at the initiative of the socialist government, in order to guarantee the payment of the debt generated by the financial rescue. Both modifications of the Workers' Statute were answered with general strikes, the one directed to the Executive of Rodríguez Zapatero on September 29, 2010 being especially seconded, regulations approved thanks to the abstention of the PNV.

The protests against the adjustments and cuts to retirees and pensioners, however, had a different fate. While there was a common trade union front in front of Mariano Rajoy's (he introduced a sustainability factor to correct life expectancy and the reduction of the rate of revaluation of perceptions to 0.25%), that of the PSOE was blessed by CEOE, CCOO and UGT,despite introducing structural changes that aggravated the remuneration system in the future. Relevant data, that tripartite consensus was forged after Valeriano Gómez was co-opted as Minister of Labor, a Ugetista leader who a month earlier had led the march for the repeal of the PSOE labor reform. In this way, plunged into the situation of exceptionality derived from the crisis, the status of the labor and pension market was altered for the worse.

When the vote of no-confidence against Rajoy won in 2019, a new progressive political cycle began. And one of the first things the incoming left-wing coalition government did was bury everything related to Zapatero's injuries in the labor and pension field . Although ethically reprehensible, it was logical from the point of view of the prevailing pragmatism. It did not seem consistent that the new Executive, made up of the PSOE of Pedro Sánchez and the United We of Pablo Iglesias, began its days under the stigma of that inheritance received. Incidentally, a burden to which the new Socialist General Secretary had contributed by voting in his favor at the time as a disciplined party deputy . The focus of the complaint, then,he focused only on what was perpetrated by the PP in these matters. And as an emblem of commitment to the grassroots, the repeal of the PP labor reform was registered in block letters in point 1.3 of the bipartite Common Program. CCOO and UGT, for their part, forgot that 2010 general strike as old fashioned, settling in the new stage as the only social agents of union reference.

In this context emerges the figure of the Minister of Labor Yolanda Díaz, who from the moment of taking office publicly recalled that she was there to eliminate the labor reform of the PP . A challenge that he would repeat ad nauseam where there was a sufficient audience to summon the media, his last staging being the public-private visit to Pope Francis to talk about "decent work." Weeks before he had posed at the closing of the Congress of Workers' Commissions brandishing the same motto: << we will repeal the labor reform of the PP >>. With this saturnal of opulence and fertility, the legend of a charismatic leader was cooked who, after stopping the destruction of jobs by the pandemic with the ERTE of force majeure (a tool in the arsenal of the contested PP labor reform), but even seemed capable to impose its will on the European Commission. Only his Galician countrymen were skeptical of such a brilliant "assault on the skies." Perhaps because they remembered that in the autonomic past the presence of Díaz in the electoral campaign of the tides had decisively contributed to the defeat of those who came to dominate the mayoralties of A Coruña, Santiago and Ferrol.

If it were not because it has become stale from so hackneyed, it could be argued that the repeal of the repeal undertaken by Díaz as a new labor reform is another twist of the vaunted << change something so that everything remains the same >> . A move from the ethics of conviction that means his steadfast commitment to <repeal the labor reform of the PP >> to that of the responsibility of that birth of the mountains because less gives a stone. The labor reform of the self-styled social agents has placed conditions on temporary hiring and toughened the penalties for their violation (but it has not ended the temporary or interim); ended with the abuse of ultraactivity; YReturned to the principle of primacy of state agreements in the salary aspect over company or autonomous ones (for this reason, subcontracting fraud will be problematic from now on).

Apart from that, the prohibition of ERE in the public sector is striking ( a new form of dual employment? ) And that ERTE has become structural through the Network Mechanism for Flexibilization and Stabilization of Employment (MRFE). The latter slang to hide the fact that, when macroeconomic situations are unfavorable for business, the State will bear the cost of the temporary unemployment of the employee, while exonerating the employer from part of the social contributions until it clears (and of course without stranded workers are included in unemployment statistics).

That is the fundamental of what is repealed in Yolanda Díaz's labor encyclical. The substantive that gave the UGT and CCOO reasons to go out on the streets in 2010 remains unscathed. Internal and external flexibility is maintained; Article 41, which makes it easier for the company to modify working conditions, is not touched; nor the 40 on geographic mobility; the cost of dismissal is maintained at 20 days per year for the unfair and 33 for the from; neither are the processing salaries recovered; nor the administrative authorization in collective dismissals (judicial deregulation). In short, a tangana to convert the CEOE bosses and the CCOO and UGT official centrals into the omnivorous foremen of the union world, and potential beneficiaries of the European Funds. The proof of this oligopolistic ambition reappears in the attempt to increase state level agreements over regional ones, an enclave where these << social agents >> lack roots in important productive sectors.Hence, the BNG, the PNV and Bildu (which the May 20, 2020 signed with PSOE and UP the << complete repeal of the labor reform promoted by the PP >>) have spoken of treason and announced that they will vote against the draft when it reaches Congress. But it has been the only sonic discrepancy to date.Civil society remains demobilized without knowing which card to stay with before the repeal that never existed proclaimed by << one of ours >>.

Along with the indulgence of compliments and congratulations with which the press, radio and television, left and right, have received the Christmas labor reform of 2021 (<< a historic day for the workers and workers of our country >>, to say of the own Díaz), there have been flagrant absences. The unusual and exaggerated fact that it was the first labor reform agreed in the last forty between the Government, CEOE and CCOO and UGT stands out. But it is obvious that also never in the recent history of our democracy Moncloa had 140,000 million euros to distribute among social agents in its environment and institutions such as salomonic ointment from Fierabrás.

Harder to assimilate is the fact that almost at the same time that the good news of the birth of the jibarizada labor reform was produced, new cases of corruption were known that impacted on the water line of the undersigned .The leader of UGT Madrid has resigned after revealing an alleged fraud with the Salary Guarantee Fund (FOGASA) for an amount of several million euros, and a judge has just prosecuted 37 senior officials of the previous Andalusian Board, that of socialism rociero. Appeals in a separate piece of the ERE scandal for collecting overcommissions on the compensation policies for workers in situations of dismissal and early retirement.

A mess wrapped in a deception that the post-conciliar communist Yolanda Díaz speakingex-chairhas titled as << a new paradigm >>.

Rafael Cid

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