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(en) [AFIB] Anti-Fascism/Anti-Racism in Ireland
From
Tom Burghardt <tburghardt@igc.apc.org>
Date
Thu, 21 May 1998 08:52:44 -0700 (PDT)
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A - I N F O S N E W S S E R V I C E
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|| * -- SPECIAL -- * May 21, 1998 * -- EDITION -- * ||
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* SPECIAL EDITION *
* * *
_________________________________________________________________
ANTI-FASCISM/ANTI-RACISM IN IRELAND
_________________________________________________________________
This "Special Edition" has been compiled by Anti-Fascist
Forum. For more information please write: AFF, P.O. Box
6326, Station A, Toronto, Ontario, M5W 1P7 Canada; E-mail:
aff@burn.ucsd.edu; Web: http://burn.ucsd.edu/~aff. Order our
journal, _Antifa Forum_, cutting edge anti-fascist research
and analysis. Available now, issue 3, "The Nature of the
Beast."
CONTENTS
------
1. (AFA) ANTI-FASCIST ACTION [UK]: Siege Of Ennis
2. (RA) RED ACTION: No Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish
3. (APRN) AN PHOBLACHT REPUBLICAN NEWS: Ireland Must Be
Anti-Racist
4. (ARC) ANTI-RACIST CAMPAIGN: Anti-Racist Campaign In
Ireland - All Different, All Equal, All
Exploited
5. (APRN) Outrage At Garda Racist Attack
6. (II) IRISH INDEPENDENT: Uproar Over `Tag The
Travellers' Demand
* * *
* ANTI-FASCIST ACTION *
Box BM 1734
London
WC1N 3XX
Tel: 0161-232-0813
-----
_________________________________________________________________
SIEGE OF ENNIS
_________________________________________________________________
- `Fighting Talk,' No. 19 - April 1998 -
*
"In trying to launch her wretched movement on a national
scale Ni Chonaill has uncorked a vicious genie. As a kid in
Dublin I was caught up in rioting to remember in College
Green. It involved Republicans against Blueshirts, the Irish
Christian Front and their Animal Gang allies, whose
favourite weapons were potatoes with razor blades in them
and wide leather belts wrapped around their knuckles with
the spike of the buckle sticking out. This was the heritage
of the genie. It was clear by then that counter violence was
the inevitable consequence of provocation. More than half a
century later this is still not clear to Aine Ni Chonaill."
(Leslie Mallory, Sunday Independent - January 18, 1998)
"Ban Siege Of Ennis Fanatics Who Were The Real Fascists.
Arrogance, intimidation, intolerance, denial of free speech,
violence - I wonder where AFA have their concentration
camps. Their manifesto for the creation of the Third Reich
in this country should be enough to get them proscribed."
(Pat Brosnan, columnist, The Cork Examiner - January 16,
1998)
"We have never forcibly stopped her (Aine Ni Chonaill)
speaking." (Crea Ryder, Anti-Nazi League, Irish Times -
March 6, 1998)
"Aine Ni Chonaill does not have a right to hold public
meetings to stir up racism and other groups do not have the
right to provide her with a platform to do so." (Jo Anne
Tobin, AFA, Irish Times - February 2, 1998)
*
Fighting Talk #17 reported on the dramatic rise in the
expression of racism in Ireland, prompted by anti-refugee
hysteria in the media and the statements of some politicians. The
racist atmosphere promoted by State agencies now include
immigration controls at air and ferry ports and border crossings.
Police stop and question people who look 'non-Irish'. Increasing
numbers of asylum seekers are being deported without any hearing
of their case for refugee status. There is widespread resentment
against refugees in working class areas - myths abound about
asylum seekers being entitled to higher welfare payments than
Irish people. Refugees are dumped in poor housing and cheap guest
houses in the most deprived and neglected working class areas of
Dublin - sure-fire recipe for racial conflict.
The ongoing outbreaks of racist graffiti in Dublin and arson
attacks on a refugee hostel and a mosque last summer show that
extreme racists are motivated enough to become active in racial
harassment and intimidation. Recently an attempt was made to set
up an anti-immigration organization in Ireland - AFA wrecked the
ICP launch and militant anti-fascism hit the headlines and
dominated the agenda in a dramatic manner.
Against the background of rising anti-immigrant racism
January saw the attempted launch of Ireland's first organized
racist group in decades. The "Immigration Control Platform", led
by Cork school teacher Aine Ni Chonaill, hoped to use the January
13th National Launch meeting at the West County Hotel in Ennis,
County Clare, as a springboard for setting up a nation-wide anti-
immigrant movement. Outside of Dublin, Ennis has the highest
number of asylum seekers in the State.
AFA was determined to prevent the launch of this racist
group - if the ICP was allowed to hold their meeting without
serious opposition the group could quickly become a focus for the
so far disorganized racists active in Dublin and nation-wide. The
ICP would also be a useful vehicle for more sophisticated fascist
organizers to promote their views.
As the ICP meeting was due to begin AFA activists moved to
the platform and took control of the microphone. While we stayed
put on the stage no meeting could take place and the 15 or so
racists who had turned up to hear Ni Chonaill were not confident
enough to throw us out. These racists were also well outnumbered
by the 100 anti-racists and refugees present. The hotel security
refused to get involved and, following a media scrum, chaos
reigned for 2 hours as Ni Chonaill tried to organize an
alternative venue. Ni Chonaill and her two other female speakers
were subjected to constant barracking until they finally left the
room. The media later commented on the fact that an AFA member
photographed the people making racist statements. The difference
between AFA and liberal anti-racist groups was thrown into sharp
contrast by our actions in Ennis. A large number of liberal anti-
racists from groups such as the Irish Refugee Council and Amnesty
had turned up planning to stage a 'silent protest' and 'walk-out'
at the meeting, but intending to allow it to go ahead.
Following AFA's action in stopping the ICP meeting our
tactics were discussed throughout the media as the protest made
front page news in four national newspapers and TV and radio
bulletins throughout the country. AFA did many interviews for
newspapers and for regional and national radio chat shows. As
usual sections of the media condemned AFA and portrayed militant
anti-fascists as "the same as the fascists". The Cork Examiner
even called for us to be banned!! Since it was the hysterical
anti-refugee media coverage which helped to create the racism
problem in the first place the media are hardly in a position to
lecture AFA.
Perhaps more surprisingly the liberal 'peaceful protest'
line was also followed by the ANL/SWP (who weren't in Ennis
anyway) but who insisted on promoting their opinion through the
letters columns of the newspapers asserting their "right to hold
peaceful protests outside racist meetings". The truth is that it
was AFA's direct action tactics which were central to preventing
the launch and expansion of the ICP. Ni Chonaill had planned the
National Launch for Ennis with a follow-up meeting in Dublin.
This meeting never happened. She explained on prime time national
TV that: "the Dublin meeting has been cancelled due to fear of
violence from protestors". AFA is determined that no organized
group will emerge from the current racist atmosphere in Ireland.
That means stopping the ICP from organizing, which can't be
achieved by shouting and waving placards outside meetings.
We are under no illusions that our success in Ennis means
that we have won the fight against racism in Ireland. Chasing
favourable news coverage is the preserve of others. Racism has
been allowed to fester in certain areas of Dublin and the
appearance of racist leaflets, posters and graffiti show that the
opposition is active and trying to become more organized. Less
than two months after Ni Chonaill's attempt to organize a racist
group in Ennis the town was sprayed with Nazi graffiti, swastikas
and slogans such as 'White Power' and 'Niggers Out'. The media
failed - or refused - to make the link between the two events,
instead pointing out that there are 170 asylum seekers living in
Ennis. AFA's press statement - covered in only one paper - made
the connection and also stated that we would be working in
conjunction with members and supporters in the area to identify
those responsible and take action against them.
Since Ennis AFA has been contacted by a number of anti-
fascists from different parts of Ireland, and abroad, expressing
interest in working with AFA to combat racism and fascism. Our
heightened public profile has led to increased media coverage and
interviews. The ideas and tactics of militant anti-fascism have
made the national agenda - both the virulent anti-AFA
commentaries in the media and the antics of pacifist liberals and
'left-wing' groups proves that we must be doing something right.
The cutting edge of anti-fascism is ensuring that no
fascists can organize to capitalize on racism in Ireland. AFA is
the only group with the potential to seriously meet this
challenge as we are the only anti-racist group in Ireland with a
policy of No Platform For Fascists. The ante has been upped in
Ireland and AFA are determined that the mistaken tactics and
failed strategies that have allowed fascism to flourish in Europe
are not repeated here.
In the aftermath of AFA's success in stopping the ICP in
Ennis a public meeting was held in Dublin to put our analysis of
the fight against racism to a wider audience. Speaking alongside
AFA were Mick O'Riordan, a veteran of the Connolly Column in the
Spanish Civil War and anti-Blueshirt fighter, and John White, a
well-known community activist in Dublin's Inner City. The meeting
was chaired by Des Bonass, Chairperson of the Dublin Council of
Trade Unions. One hundred people attended the meeting and heard
AFA call for a new ground level approach to combating racism,
based on local working class communities and for zero tolerance
for organized racists and fascists. John White spoke on the
widespread expression of racist views in working class areas of
Dublin and stressed that opposition to racism must be developed
and rooted in local communities. The way to address and overcome
racism is through co-operation and practical work within these
areas by working class activists.
Mick O'Riordan, who fought with the Connolly Column of the
International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War, gave a
historical overview of the growth of fascism in Ireland during
the Blueshirt period of the 1930s and the physical opposition to
them from anti-fascists. "The Blueshirts were a powerful
movement, but the remarkable thing is that they were defeated on
the streets. Communists, Republicans, socialists and democrats
got together and beat them off the streets, to such an extent
that they were non-existent as a threat". He explained the vital
link between the tactics of militant anti-fascism in the Ireland
of the 1930s and now. In the 1930s the Blueshirts were literally
beaten off the streets by anti-fascists - the same task will face
anti-fascists in the 1990s if fascists attempt to organize to
exploit racism.
Brian O'Reilly, for AFA, stressed the need for a vigilant
and militant anti-fascist response to the rise in racism in
Ireland. He dismissed the notion that Ireland is somehow immune
to fascism - the rise in anti-refugee racism throughout Europe
has come to Ireland and the attempt to set up a racist group here
reflects European trends. Opinion polls and racist comments
reveal that there is a fertile and dangerous base where fascist
ideas could take root. While Aine Ni Chonaill may be a marginal
and eccentric figure the fact remains that the poverty and
deprivation inflicted on working class areas, allied with
resentment against the housing of high numbers of refugees in
these areas, could be cultivated by an extreme racist or fascist
group.
The absence of organized fascists in Ireland cannot be taken
for granted in the future - the appearance of racist graffiti and
posters in some areas of Dublin reveals individuals motivated
enough to become active racists. He stressed that AFA's policy of
ideological and physical opposition to fascism would be central
in ensuring that fascism does not develop as a political force in
Ireland.
* * *
* RED ACTION *
BM BOX 37
LONDON, WC1N 3XX
-----
_________________________________________________________________
`NO BLACKS, NO DOGS, NO IRISH'
_________________________________________________________________
- Red Action #75, Autumn 1997 -
*
"On a daily basis the Gardai have to deal with cases of
robbery and assault involving asylum seekers."
"Currently scores of Romanian women, clutching toddlers, can
be seen begging on street corners."
"Refugee Housing now costs the state 20 million pounds
annually."
*
The above quotes are a fairly representative sample of the
pages of recent newspaper coverage on the increasing number of
immigrants in Ireland. Five years ago less than one person per
week entered Ireland as a refugee; in the first five months of
1997, 1,200 asylum seekers have arrived. The media hysteria
generated by this increase has led to refugees becoming a general
topic of conversation, casual racism and the frequent expression
of ignorant stereotypes of immigrants. Immigration also became a
factor in the General Election campaign with some candidates
seizing the opportunity to grab a few more votes by playing a
thinly disguised race card, masquerading as concern for Irish
"poor people". For the first time an anti-immigration candidate
stood for election in County Cork.
All newspapers from the tabloids to the liberal 'Irish
Times' have printed articles attacking refugees. The views of
anti-racists have mostly been ignored. The serious
irresponsibility of journalists has been most obvious in the
language used. The media uses the terms 'immigrant', 'refugee',
'illegal', 'economic migrant' and 'asylum seeker' as
interchangeable, despite the fact that they have distinct and
different meanings. Any crime that involves refugees gets
coverage far out of proportion to it news value. Shoplifting,
fights at taxi ranks, and other minor incidents get large
headlines when refugees can be dragged into the story and an
anonymous police 'source' found to speculate about an 'immigrant
crime wave'.
The current increase in the number of Eastern European and
Black people in Ireland is the result of the continuing wars,
dictatorships and ethnic conflict in African countries and the
break-up of the Soviet Union. The activity and strength of
organized nazis in Germany and France has forced their not very
reluctant governments to introduce draconian anti-immigration
laws and repatriation of refugees. In Ireland, which does not
have an organized racist or nazi group, a number of politicians
have recently expressed pro-repatriation sentiments without the
assistance of nazis to encourage them.
The General Election campaign provided a convenient
bandwagon for politicians to pander to racism. Joan Burton, a
Labour Minister for State said: "Once the Refugee Act is in place
and we're making decisions we will be putting people back on
planes again." Liam Lawlor, a Fianna Fail TD ranted about "Floods
of illegal immigrants into Ireland". In Cork South West Aine Ni
Chonaill ran claiming to represent something called the
'Immigration Control Platform'. Ni Chonaill is a 51 year old
school teacher who lives at Chapel Lane, Rosscarbery and teaches
at the Sacred Heart Convent in Clonakilty. She said "I am
standing in this election on a single issue - the need to take
strong and urgent measures to control immigration to Ireland." Ni
Chonaill has identified 'two strands' of foreigners to be
combated by 'tough and radical decisions'. Strand One is
opposition to immigration from the EU; mainly British and German
people. Strand Two involves "the influx of alleged asylum seekers
(mostly bogus) from Eastern Europe, Cuba and Third World
Countries". Other gems from this racist old bat include "I value
the level of homogeneity we had in this country... I don't want
us to end up with cities like Bradford and Notting Hill...
Political asylum is not a human right." She claims that "Multi-
Culturalism is one of the greatest heresies of the 20th century",
and wants an 'Ireland for the Irish'. She refuses to state
whether she is a racist or not. I think we can work it out. Miss
Ni Chonaill thoughtfully provided a mobile phone number on her
election literature. It is 088 2769349. She got 293 votes out of
35,000. Another self proclaimed anti-immigration candidate,
attempting to gain votes from an anti-refugee prejudice, was Dean
O Nuallain of 153 Herberton Rd, Dublin 8, who ran in Dublin South
Central. He achieved a spectacular 80 votes.
The fact that these candidates are of the political fringe
obscures the worrying fact that anti-immigration, in the current
climate, was a viable election policy. Mainstream politicians
attempted to benefit from popular racist feeling. The most
breath-taking hypocrisy has been displayed by politicians
pandering to prejudice while seeking votes in working class
areas. Fintan O'Toole put it succinctly in the Irish Times "there
is also the rather sickening sight of people who never gave a
tuppeny damn for the homeless and the poor suddenly discovering
them... the question that ought to arise is why are there so many
natives living like refugees in their own country". Refugees
provide convenient scapegoats for the failure of political
parties to address poverty, unemployment and homelessness among
Irish people. The cheap B+Bs used to house refugees are located
in inner-city areas. The rules of these guesthouses force the
residents to leave each morning and families have no option but
to spend the day wandering the streets, creating the impression
of large numbers of refugees. Refugees are also, not
surprisingly, dumped in the same deprived local authority estates
and inner-city flat complexes as the Irish working class people.
Colm McGrath, a Fianna Fail candidate in Tallaght/Clondalkin
area, where some estates have over 70% unemployment, issued an
election leaflet calling for restrictions on the number of
immigrants and attacking "alleged political refugees milking the
social welfare system". McGrath and other politicians will
undoubtedly deny any responsibility for attacks on refugees that
may occur due to their hate-mongering.
As usual class lies at the bottom of the anti-immigrant
feeling. Some immigrants have always been accepted and positively
encouraged. Millionaires lacking in ancestral connections with
Ireland can buy citizenship in the form of an Irish passport. The
'Passports For Sale' racket emerged when a family of wealthy
Arabs were given Irish passports in return for an investment of
one million pounds in a company owned by the family of the then
Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds. Similarly large numbers of artists,
pop stars and actors have been encouraged to move to Ireland by
the state provision of tax exemptions for artistic activity.
Ireland has long wallowed in a comforting notion that it is
not a racist society; the contribution of the catholic church to
missionary work, large donations by Irish people to famine; our
history as a colonized nation, etc., supposedly proved our
concern for the welfare of poor Black people. In reality Ireland
has never had any significant population of people of other
cultures, races or religions. Racism is not caused by the
presence of people of different ethnic origin but by the reaction
of the native population to that presence. The one Irish ethnic
group, Travellers, are subjected to both casual and systematic
state racism and neglect to the extent that over 20,000 people
are condemned to live in sub-human conditions, endure an
appalling child mortality rate and are hounded from town to town
by the respectable 'settled' population.
The reaction of many Irish people to the small number of
immigrants now resident in Ireland reeks of hypocrisy. The
'economic migrant' tag attached to immigrants is the most
repugnant. Poverty and lack of industry has meant that for the
past 200 years Ireland has been a net exporter of people. In the
aftermath of the Famine one million Irish emigrated to England,
Scotland and America. The Freemans Journal reported in 1847 "The
scene in New York is truly lamentable. The Irish are there
walking and begging in the streets, in as numerous groups as you
will find them in Liverpool". The appalling poverty in the Irish
slums of major cities in the 19th century was on a par with the
shanty towns of the Third World today. Irish immigrants were the
victims of pogroms, discrimination and racism; in America they
overcame this by being even more racist in turn towards Black
people. In every decade since the foundation of the Irish Free
State, with the exception of the 70's and the 90's, hundreds of
thousands of Irish people moved to England, the U.S. and
Australia. In De Valera's Ireland cattle and children were bred
for export. Irish emigrants in Britain met signs stating "No
Blacks, No Dogs, No Irish". In the mid 80's almost a whole
generation of school leavers emigrated to America, up to 40,000
people per annum moved to the U.S. as illegal immigrants. The
political furor created by the emigration wave of 80's did not
relate to the need to create employment in Ireland. Instead the
political focus was on gaining them the right to live permanently
in America. Statistically very few Irish people have ever had to
leave the country due to political persecution; Irish emigrants
were not refugees. After the Famine the vast majority of
emigrants could have remained here, admittedly living in poverty
and with little prospect of employment, but unlikely to die of
starvation. They can only be defined as 'economic migrants',
exactly the same excuse used to attack refugees in Ireland now.
A common anti-immigrant argument is that taxpayers money is
being used to house refugees in hotels, implying a life of
luxury. The chronic shortage of public housing and the lack of
state investment in the provision of accommodation means that
large numbers of homeless Irish families are also forced to live
in B+Bs and cheap hotels. In recent years the government has
given massive tax breaks for the construction of private
apartments and small hotels in inner city areas, in preference to
the providing much needed Corporation housing. The welfare
payments received by both Irish people and refugees are one third
below the accepted poverty line. The contradictions inherent in
ranting against 'beggars' while simultaneously calling for a
reduction in welfare for refugees has not been commented on.
A recent IMS poll conducted for the Irish Independent showed
that 56% of those questioned expressed anti-immigrant feeling,
calling for restrictions on the number of immigrants entering
Ireland. Given the atmosphere of scare mongering in the weeks
before the poll this figure can be interpreted as quite low, but
is nevertheless worrying as it will give comfort to isolated and
potentially violent racists who may be emboldened with the belief
that they have public support for their opinions.
The long term implications of the current hysteria about
immigrants has potentially serious consequences and ones that Red
Action and AFA in Ireland are already addressing. In the 1980's a
small number of racist skinheads in Dublin were beaten off the
streets by the people who are now active in RA and AFA. At this
time the Nazis had no focus for their racist views, it is
difficult to whip up hatred about or attack Black people when
none are visible. The conditions now exist, aided by
irresponsible and prejudiced media coverage, for the emergence of
racist attacks on immigrants, whether this is likely to develop
into a more organized form of Nazism cannot be assessed just yet.
Undoubtedly there are isolated racists and fascists in Ireland,
but there is no organized group or indications of one at present.
In recent years there have been sporadic outbreaks of racist
graffiti and an increase harassment and threats against Black
people living in Dublin. A recent fire at a city centre
guesthouse is being investigated as a possible racist fire bomb
attack as a number of asylum seekers live there. If this is the
truth behind the incident then it is a very serious escalation of
racism as no such attack has been reported here before.
AFA has held a number of street and area leaflettings and
has held a national organizing meeting for members and contacts
to plan an anti-fascist response to the increase in racism.
Anyone with information on racist or fascist activity in Ireland,
or who wishes to join AFA, should write to: AFA, PO Box 3355,
Dublin 7, Ireland
* * *
* AN PHOBLACHT/REPUBLICAN NEWS *
58 Parnell Square
Dublin 1, Ireland
Tel: +353-1-8733611 / +353-1-8733839
Fax: +353-1-8733074
E-mail: aprn@irlnet.com
Web: http://www.irlnet.com/aprn/
- April 16, 1998 -
-----
_________________________________________________________________
IRELAND MUST BE ANTI-RACIST
_________________________________________________________________
Marcas Conchubair speaks to International Brigades veteran
of the Spanish Civil War, Mick O'Riordan, about the growing
racism in Irish society and the lessons from his own
political experience.
*
"We have two experiences of racism and fascism in this
country", Mick O'Riordan says. "There is the British anti-Irish
racism in which we were depicted as apes and referred to as
'Paddy the Pig'. And certainly there was racism experienced by
the Irish in America. The other example we have is the 1930s
Blueshirt movement in Ireland. The Blueshirt movement was a very
Catholic movement, and it became very popular, but then it was
beaten off the streets."
The question arose then as it does today, says O'Riordan, of
whether fascists should have free speech. He says those involved
with the International Brigade who fought with the socialists
against Franco's troops agreed, as Anti-Fascist Action and
current anti-racists do today, that speech advocating racism and
fascism should not be tolerated. With the rise of European
fascism and the Nazi Third Reich in Germany, the world "saw
fascism not only deny free speech, but deny life to millions of
people in concentration camps."
O'Riordan spoke of the Catholic Church's support of the
Franco rising, and the blessing of the Irish who fought for his
regime in the Spanish Foreign Legion. He said that the Church's
influence resulted in many confused Irish Catholics supporting
the "backward" fascist regime. "Those of us who went to fight for
the International Brigade issued a statement", he said, "saying
that we were fighting out of a patriotic duty to save the good
name of our people who had fought for a long time for their own
independence, and whose honor was being besmirched by the
Blueshirts and others who were fighting for Franco's fascism.
Also the question of international solidarity was most important.
Most of us came from working class backgrounds where the key
slogan is, 'an injury to one is an injury to all.'"
He said the International Brigade saw the injury inflicted
by Spanish fascism wasn't just a Spanish concern, but a concern
of the world, a view that was shared by the 40,000 volunteers who
came from 53 countries.
He said the result was to negate the question of Ireland
supporting fascism, but that result didn't come immediately
"because we were in almost a pogrom position. The Church was very
much pro-Franco. Only one priest in this country, Father Michael
O'Flanagan, stood out in sympathy with us."
O'Riordan also recognises a connection between Northern
Loyalists and fascism. "The Loyalist groups in the North at a
certain stage did have very good relations with the British Union
of Fascists, but peculiarly enough, the British fascists never
actually formed a branch in the North." He said it wasn't
necessary for the British fascists to do this because the
imperialist policy of divide and conquer has always enabled
Loyalists to have their own special forces of sectarian violence
to perpetuate British rule. He says there was a national Irish
fascist front, but it has never been that large. "But it's
poison, and you don't need a lot of poison to do a lot of
damage... But never underestimate the ability of fascism to rise
again, and to be encouraged to rise again."
He pulled out a copy of the March 3rd issue of the Irish
Times, where on page 3 there was a picture of schoolgirls walking
past a "White Power" slogan spray painted above a swastika on
shutters in Harmony Row, Ennis, County Clare. Then he turned to
the editorial page, pointing to a reply from Jo Anne Tobin of AFA
to a Young Fine Gaeler's letter which had attributed "anti-
fascist" credentials and "democratic ideology" to Fine Geal.
Tobin's reply referred to Eoin O'Duffy and Fine Gael TDs
"enthusiastically giving the fascist salute at mass rallies
throughout Ireland" in the 1930s, and asserted that, if the need
arises, AFA would do what is necessary in the future to drive
fascists off the streets again.
"The most extraordinary thing about the Blueshirts",
O'Riordan says, "is that people came together to defeat them."
Which is why he's confident that the people of Ireland will stop
any threat of fascism in current times as well. "It was a happy
experience to listen to the young people [of AFA] express their
solidarity with the refugees who've come to this country", he
said. "If you look back at the progressive movements in any
country, in any shape or form, it's the young people who always
play the vanguard in these situations... that's the first
criterion, the first basis for the development of an anti-fascist
movement."
O'Riordan added, however, that he didn't want to make the
current threat of racism and fascism seem larger than it is. "I
don't want to say we're immediately confronted with the
possibility of fascism", O'Riordan says, "that would be
overstating the case... I don't see the question of politics in
Ireland [as being thought of] in terms of fascism and anti-
fascism. It's there, it's an element, but we've also got to
recognise that it exists in the conditions of the serious
situation in Northern Ireland."
He recalled the 1914 quote of James Connolly that "if there
is a partition in Ireland, it will be the beginnings of a
carnival of reaction", which he believes is a good assessment of
the situation today. "But I am convinced that the unity of
working class people, Protestant and Catholic, is going to forge
a new lease of life." That doesn't mean that the two communities
are united strongly enough today to oppose British rule as they
did under Wolfe Tone in 1798, but the ironies of that historical
event also point to the need for unity and the absurdity of
sectarian bigotry that stands in the way of freedom and peace.
"There are certain lessons of the 1798 rebellion", O'Riordan
says, such as the fact that Wolfe Tone and "many people who
advanced the Republican movement were Protestant, and the
Catholic Church was actually anti-Republican, pro-British." In
the face of this irony, he said that if the leaders of the
Catholic and Presbyterian Churches were serious about peace and
unity they "should have organised a joint ecumenical funeral" for
the two lifelong friends, Damien Trainor who was a Catholic, and
Phillip Allen, a Presbyterian, who were murdered together in
Poyntzpass on March 4. "The way to end British rule in Ireland is
for Catholic, Protestant, and Dissenter to unite as Irish
people", he says.
There's no telling exactly what direction the current
political climate is going to take the Irish nation, but as
O'Riordan recognises in the lessons of history, the young people
standing for justice in the 26 counties, as well as Republicans
throughout the island, are right to embrace diversity in every
area of life as the struggle goes on for a united Ireland
independent of foreign colonial power.
* * *
* ANTI-RACIST CAMPAIGN *
Web: http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/arc.html
-----
_________________________________________________________________
ANTI-RACIST CAMPAIGN IN IRELAND:
ALL DIFFERENT, ALL EQUAL, ALL EXPOLITED
_________________________________________________________________
*
Ireland is a country which has sent hundreds of thousands of
people abroad to seek to better their lives. In the 1980's
politicians positively encouraged the young people of Ireland to
get out and get jobs somewhere else. Dick Spring hosted a
conference in the Department of Foreign Affairs which sought to
give students practical advice on how to leave the country. Now,
when faced with the prospect of people coming to our country
seeking to do the same thing, some Irish people are reacting in
racist ways.
This is not new in a country where Travellers have been
abused, threatened, exposed to racist policies and attitudes and
largely treated as second class citizens since the origins of
this state. Refugees face a daily barrage of abuse and some even
endure physical attacks in this city. The land of a hundred
thousand welcomes has rapidly become the land of a thousands of
shouts of abuse at refugees. We must fight this attitude which is
growing in our society with some considerable help from the
politicians and the media.
THE FACTS
In a welcome change from some media sources, let us deal
with the facts:
1. Ireland takes in a tiny number of refugees every year,
especially in comparison to other European countries.
2. Refugees are entitled to the same social welfare payments.
3. They are not housed any faster than any other section of
society.
4. They are not entitled to work or study while they apply to
be allowed stay in this country.
5. Many are escaping severe political and economic persecution
in their own countries and they have come here to seek a
better existence, or in some cases just the right to exist.
WHAT DO WE DO TOGETHER?
A broad group of people came together after the general
election to try and fight the growing trend of racism which was
adopted by the main political establishment. We called ourselves
the Anti-Racist Campaign (ARC) and we intend to work alongside
refugees to counteract racism in this city and country. We have
no time for those who wish to discriminate against a person on
the basis of the colour of their skin or where they come from. We
will challenge those who are openly racist and especially those
who flaunted this fact in order to get elected. We wish people to
know the truth about the terrible ordeals which people have gone
though to be here. The truth is in the story of the refugee's and
not to be found on the pages of Tony O'Reilly's newspapers or on
the radio airwaves. ARC wish to fight racism and to celebrate
multiculturalism. Just as the world gained from the massive
diaspora of Irish people into it, so Ireland can gain so much
from the trickle of people being allowed to stay here.
DIVIDE AND RULE IS THE TACTIC!
The politicians in the last government signed 500
deportation orders against Romanians on the day of the general
election. They did not want to be perceived as weak when it came
to dealing with immigrants. They were and are as racist as Liam
Lawlor (FF) was in his campaign. The media made this into an
issue in the election. It (proved) an effective tactic (for
diverting attention away from their failure to do much about
poverty, unemployment or heroin abuse).
We are living in the capital city of a country experiencing
a huge economic upturn. We are all sick of hearing about the
Celtic Tiger but the heart of that tiger is sick with the
problems which have failed to go away.
Over 250,000 people still on the dole. Huge amounts of young
kids in the city becoming hooked on heroin. A growing number of
people becoming homeless. Those who are lucky enough to be in
work are bearing a huge amount of the tax burden while the rich
seem to get a tax amnesty every 3 years. Companies in Ireland are
declaring huge profits and our public services are going down the
drain simultaneously.
How many of these issues were dealt with in the election?
No, instead we heard about making the streets secure and
about who would deal with the influx of refugees. The oldest
trick in the book was being played, Divide And Rule. A new
government will come into power and they are happy to continue on
trundling along and not dealing with the real issues. ARC is here
to make sure that we stop the fighting amongst ourselves. We Are
All Different, All Equal And All Exploited. We must stop the
racism and begin to make the politicians deal with the poverty
and inequality in this society. Help us in this fight.
In May of 1997 politicans and media in Southern Ireland
started to whip up racism against refugees. In response to this
people in Dublin set up the Anti-Racism Campaign to defend
refugees and attack the racists. The Anti-Racism Campaign meets
every Wednesday night at 8pm in the Vietnamese Centre (Hardwicke
Street, one minute from Parnell Square). Everyone who wants to
combat racism is welcome. And there is the newly formed trade
union group of ARC - which seeks to bring together anti-racist
workers, especially in areas dealing with refugees like teaching,
Irnroid Eireann, the health boards and social welfare.
* * *
_________________________________________________________________
REPORTS OF THE DAY OF ACTION AGAINST RACISM AND DEPORTATIONS
_________________________________________________________________
*
The Day of Action in Ireland was called by the Anti-Racist
Campaign, Anti-Fascist Action and the Association of Refugees &
Asylum Seekers. In Cork it was organised by Immigrant Solidarity.
Dublin: 2.00 p.m. Department of Justice St Stephen Green
Assemble for march
Cork: Immigrant Solidarity - Day Of Action - Cork
Belfast: Picket at Central Stations at 13:00
Limerick: March assembles outside Todds in O'Connell Street
at 1 p.m.
Galway: leafleting (1 p.m. in Eyre Square)
Roscrea: (all day exhibition in the public library)
Offical endorsers included: African Refugee Network, Barbara
Bergin (actress in Fair City), Laura Brennan (actress in
Glenroe), Ciaran Cuffe (Green Party councillor), Supported by 'In
Touch' (magazine of the INTO teachers union), Irish Refugee
Council, Amnesty International, Irish Travellers Movement,
'Newsline' (paper of the SIPTU trade union), SIPTU Education
Branch, Community Media Network, Cork Council of Trade Unions,
Development Education for Youth, Dublin Council of Trade Unions,
Galway One World Centre, Happy City Samba School, Inner City
Organisations Network, Ireland-Algeria Support Group, Irish
Mexico Group, Kilkenny Grass Roots, Mid-West Against Racism,
Ogoni-Solidarity Ireland, Praxis, Sadhbh O'Neill (Green Party),
SIPTU Education Branch, Scheme Workers Alliance, Socialist Party,
Teachers Union of Ireland, Dublin Post-Primary Branch, Tullamore
One World Centre, Waterford Traveller Interest Group,
Organise-IWA, Workers Solidarity Movement.
DUBLIN
About 1200 people took part in the Dublin march. Speakers
included Mick O'Reilly (ATGWU), John White (Inner City
Organisations Network), Franz Frison (Holocaust survivor), Thomas
McCann (Irish Travellers Movement) and a speaker from the
Association of Refugees & Asylum Seekers.
CORK
The Cork 'No Deportations - No Racism' march organised by
Immigrant Solidarity was a loud and defiant shout of 'No' to
Minister for Injustice, John O'Donoghue. The march of 600 was led
by a group of six gagged individuals (dressed in black, with
masks on their faces), chosen to represent the plight of the 16
persons so far deported from Ireland by O'Donoghue.
The march travelled along the Grand Parade and the South
Mall and then crossed over to Anglesea Street where a letter of
protest was handed in, to loud cheering, at the Immigration
Office. Here also, a street theatre production of 'Who Is To
Blame?' (for deportations) was performed by the youth theatre
group 'Youth Links'.
The march continued from Anglesea Street to Merchant's Quay
and then along Patrick's Street to Daunt Square for a rally. The
rally at the end of march was addressed by Donal Guerin -
Immigrant Solidarity, Paddy Mulcahy - Cork Council of Trade
Unions, Latif Sirhilden - a Kurdish refugee living in Cork and
David Carolan - a black Irishman who has been stopped by the
Gardai and asked for identification (to 'indicate' he was Irish!)
on the Belfast to Dublin rail service.
Mr. Donal Guerin, on behalf of Immigrant Solidarity, called
for "an immediate end to all deportations", stating them to be
"inhuman and unjust". He drew attention to Ireland's record as a
net exporter of people, and asked the people of Cork to show
their disapproval by writing to John O'Donoghue at the Department
of Justice, protesting against the current policy.
Messages of support for the Day of Action were read out -
from the the Swedish union, the SAC, and from the FAU, the German
section of the International Workers Association.
The Cork Day of Action ended with a further performance of
'Who Is To Blame?' There was also a promise by Immigrant
Solidarity to build the campaign against deportations until it
was large enough and strong enough to stop John O'Donoghue.
The Organisers: The Cork march was organised by Immigrant
Solidarity, a broad based alliance of activists opposed to the
deportation of asylum-seekers. IS was formed in January of this
years. We meet every Wednesday night at Connolly Hall at 8 pm.
* * *
_________________________________________________________________
OUTRAGE AT GARDA RACIST ATTACK
_________________________________________________________________
By Michael Pierse
The Association of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Ireland
yesterday claimed that the Garda Siochana conducted a violent
attack on a refugee living in Drimnagh, a suburb of Dublin, on
Friday morning, May 1.
Belmondo Wanete and his wife say they awoke on the morning
of May 1st to banging on their front door. A group of armed
people in civilian clothes burst into the house and immediately
began beating him, without identifying themselves. While pointing
a gun to his head, the attackers subjected the still unclothed
man to a diatribe of racist derogatory; "fucking black",
"nigger", "monkey", "go back to Africa" and so on. The family
house was turned upside down and screaming children were put on
the floor.
After being shown a search warrant, minus his name and
address, Belmondo was cuffed and dragged naked to the police car.
He was detained for 12 hours in Drimnagh Garda Station and was
subjected to the vicious racism by gardai who urged him to
imitate monkey noises.
Eventually brought before a court, the judge ordered that he
be freed on the basis that it was a case of mistaken identity.
However, the officers devised a new complaint - "assault of a
police officer." One of the eight "blue flu" Gardai sprained his
finger while beating the man.
(Source: An Phoblacht/Republican News - May 7, 1998 - WWW:
http://www.irlnet.com/aprn/)
* * *
_________________________________________________________________
UPROAR OVER `TAG THE TRAVELLERS' DEMAND
_________________________________________________________________
IRISH INDEPENDENT
13 MAY 1998
A councillor was accused of incitement to hatred last night
after he compared travellers to dogs.
He also called for them to be tagged by micro-chips.
Councillor John Flannery told the Western Health Board
travellers expected everything to be done for them and gave
little in return.
They lay out sunning themselves like pedigree dogs and
should be made to work, he claimed.
Passport-style record books should be issued them so they
would be "locateable", said the Fine Gael councillor.
"Even our livestock are traceable," he added.
His comments outraged some of his colleagues and last night
travellers' rights activist Ellen Mongan called for his
resignation.
Councillor Flannery's remarks were "absolutely horrendous"
and he should resign from Mayo County Council's traveller
committee, added the Tuam town commissioner.
She also accused him of inciting others to hatred and
suggested the Fine Gael party should look at the calibre of
people it had within its camp.
Senator Margaret Cox said the tone of the debate was
"regrettable" and former minister Terry Leyden branded the
remarks as "fascist".
Councillor Flannery's comments came as the robbery and
murder of an elderly shopkeeper was being discussed at the health
board's monthly meeting.
* * *
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