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(en) Brit op-ed; US public not convinced
From
MichaelP <papadop@PEAK.ORG>
Date
Sun, 22 Feb 1998 20:32:48 -0800 (PST)
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London Times February 23 1998 OPINION
Bronwen Maddox on a deeply sceptical American public
Clinton is losing on the home front
In the old joke about Cable News Network, a New Yorker goes into a bar
in the American heartland and berates the occupants for their
provincialism, above all for their failure to subscribe to the 24-hour
news channel. Then he switches on the bar's television to find CNN's
familiar bland voices crotcheting together videotaped segments from
the world's flashpoints, and protests: "I thought you said you didn't
get it." "Oh, we receive it," the bartender says, "we just don't get
it."
Except now the joke is on the Clinton Administration. It has spent one
of the most politically inept weeks in its history, attempting to
educate the heartland about the merits of waging war on Iraq. The
message that Middle America is sending back is that it has thought
plenty about the prospect - and doesn't much like it. A Newsweek poll
yesterday recorded 18 per cent in favour of military strikes, and 39
per cent against. More than a third - 36 per cent - are in favour only
if strikes eliminated President Saddam Hussein, a goal the
Administration acknowledges as unrealistic.
As well as popular scepticism, the Administration faces congressional
ambivalence. Abroad, with the exception of President Clinton's
self-described "friend and colleague" Tony Blair, it is isolated. In
the breathing space apparently seured yesterday by Kofi Annan, the
United Nations Secretary-General, the Administration is now asking how
it put itself into such political peril.
It misjudged the public mood partly because it underestimated the
public's sophistication - its ability to make up its own mind without
spin from Washington. A public prepared to forgive Mr Clinton what it
says it believes - that he had some kind of sex with Monica Lewinsky
in his office - is also worldly enough to weigh up the odds in the
Gulf and find them wanting.
That misjudgment showed at its rawest in Wednesday's now-notorious
"Town Hall" meeting in Columbus, Ohio, when Madeleine Albright, the
Secretary of State, William Cohen, the Defence Secretary and Sandy
Berger, the National Security Adviser, fielded questions from a
sceptical audience. Perched on flimsy chairs in a basketball arena,
the trio fumbled question after question, stalling with patronising
dismissals. Asked why the US was not tougher on other rogue states, Ms
Albright directed the questioner, a history teacher, to "study
carefully what American foreign policy is".
Of course, Mr Clinton should have done the job instead. But the
Lewinsky saga has made him a prisoner of Pennsylvania Avenue, too
fearful to expose himself to public questioning. His set-piece speech
at the Pentagon last week extolled US military might - but the weapon
the Administration most needs, and cannot currently deploy, is the
President's popular touch.
Given the public's ambivalence, it is not surprising that
congressional backing for action is still in doubt, although Senator
John McCain has rallied an important minority behind his call for
bombing until Iraq capitulates.
The Administration appears more startled at the lack of support from
foreign governments, and at the way the consensus between the US,
Europe and Arab states achieved after the 1991 war has dissolved. It
should not be; that second misjudgment stems from at least two
profound muddles in American foreign policy.
As Ohio questioners vigorously told the embattled trio, America has
neglected the growing anti-US mood in the Arab world. Ms Albright
maintains indignantly that the Iraq stand-off is entirely "separate"
from the unravelling of the Middle East peace process since the
election of Binyamin Netanyahu as Israeli Prime Minister.
But it is no secret that Arab nations blame America for failing or
refusing to hold Israel to its UN commitments. The White House thought
it snubbed Mr Netanyahu last month when it sent him to lunch with
Vice-President Al Gore in the cafeteria; to others, it still looked
like hospitality. In provoking a confrontation, Saddam appears to have
sensed that shift of the region's mood.
The US has also deluded itself for seven years about the likely
success of sanctions in weakening Iraq, and about the willingness of
all European countries and Russia to back a policy so much at odds
with their trading interests. Ironically, the State Department has
just begun a long-overdue review of its fondness for sanctions, now in
force against some 70 countries, acknowledging that they are often
futile, or even counter-productive.
Mr Blair's rush to pledge his support for Mr Clinton earlier this
month in Washington looks even riskier now than it did then. Political
contamination from the Lewinsky affair was the threat on which he
focused - and which he brushed away, calling for voters to focus on
the issues that really matter.
But the real risk is that, in both Britain and America, they may do
just that - hold their political leaders to task for losing lives in a
war for which they have a shaky mandate and which arguably stems from
long-standing misjudgments in US foreign policy. If, despite
yesterday's apparent agreement, the bombs do start dropping, Mr
Clinton will owe Mr Blair more than the walkabout in Belfast which
seemed fair payment for overlooking Ms Lewinsky.
Having put itself in this pickle, the Administration must now be
deeply grateful for Mr Annan's breakthrough. It must know now that its
campaign to convert the heartland to the cause of war was probably
doomed. The problem is not that favourite political lament, of a
"failure to communicate". The real obstacle was that the public heard
the message, and rejected it.
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